On June 12, the International Labour Organization (ILO) adopted the world's first convention on platform economy labor, with the Chinese delegation voting in favor. Human rights organizations point out that the key to protecting the rights of hundreds of millions of gig workers in China lies not in official promises, but in whether they have the rights to organize, express their opinions, and hold others accountable. Respondents say that amid employment pressures and weak consumer spending, more and more young people are entering platform industries such as food delivery and ride-hailing, but low wages, fines, and the risk of accidents still fall on the workers.
On June 17, Human Rights Watch published an article by Wang Songlian, Deputy Director for Asia, which pointed out that the number of flexible workers in China, mainly engaged in order-taking, order dispatching, and platform labor, is estimated to have reached 320 million. The article argues that written commitments have limited meaning unless workers can organize, make their voices heard, and hold gig platforms and the government accountable.
Lu Jun, co-founder of the Beijing-based Yirenping Center, told this station on June 21 that it was not surprising that the Chinese government voted in favor of the International Labour Organization's convention. He said that the Chinese government has always adopted a differentiated approach on human rights issues, strictly guarding political and civil rights, but reserving some leeway for certain economic rights.
He explained, "The main reason is that it also worries that if it puts too much pressure on workers and exploits them too heavily, the workers might rise up like the Solidarity trade union in Poland back then and threaten its regime." Lu Jun believes that if workers want to organize free trade unions or engage in collective bargaining with employers, it will absolutely not be allowed in China.
The decline in delivery riders' prices has led to a shift in platform risk.
In recent years, the employment pressure on Chinese youth has continued to draw attention. The officially reported youth unemployment rate rose above 21% in mid-2023, after which the official statistical methodology was adjusted. Human Rights Watch argues that the weakness of the formal job market has driven more young people into the gig economy. Food delivery riders, ride-hailing drivers, couriers, and online order takers have become part of the urban employment structure.
Mr. Zhou, who runs a clothing wholesale business in Wenzhou, told our station in an interview that the impact of the economic slowdown is not limited to the company's accounts, but has also changed the lifestyle of young people. He said, "The biggest problem now is not the US tariffs, nor exports. For those of us who sell domestically, what we fear most is no one buying anything. In the past, our stores were packed with people on holidays, but now many young people just come in to look around, ask questions, and then don't buy anything. Many people are now having simple weddings, saving money wherever possible. Several of my employees born in the 1990s were planning to buy a house and get married, but now they've postponed it, saying they want to keep their jobs first. Some people are going back to their hometowns after graduation, or continuing to live with their parents, because they can't afford to rent a place in the city alone."
Weak domestic demand has become the main pressure on enterprises.
Mr. Zhang, the head of a machinery parts company in Suzhou, told our station that the decrease in export orders has affected the company, but the more obvious pressure comes from the domestic market. He said, "In the past, downstream companies would stock up in advance, but now they only do business when they have orders, and their inventory is very low. Many customers have told us that their products are not selling, so they dare not order more. What we are most worried about now is that everyone is lying low, not consuming or investing, and then we can't make a living. What's the point of promoting domestic demand?"
With both employment pressures and weak consumer spending, the platform economy has become a temporary solution for many young people. Mr. Chen, a food delivery rider in Shanghai, told our station that riders are most worried about fines, late deliveries, and accidents. He said, "Every day, it seems like we're taking orders ourselves, but the time is all calculated by the platform. If you're slow, customers complain, and the platform deducts money; if you're fast, the risks on the road are greater. On rainy days or typhoon days, the fare is sometimes higher, but no one really cares if there's an accident. Many people dare not stop because if they stop, they have no income."
Mr. Chen said that riders' income has been declining in recent years. He said, "Since last year, the price per order for part-time riders has dropped from seven or eight yuan two years ago to five or six yuan now, or even around four yuan. Some people drive against traffic and run red lights in order to save time, and they get fined, resulting in even greater losses."
The recent documentary "2026 China's Food Delivery Rider Survival Report," which depicts the plight of food delivery riders, closely mirrors Mr. Chen's account. Released on April 17th by "Sanlian Life Lab," a sub-channel of Sanlian Life Weekly, the documentary is no longer searchable on Bilibili, according to archival information. In the documentary, a delivery rider states that a single order used to earn about 10 RMB, but now it's mostly 3 to 5 RMB.
On June 18, a video circulating online showed a food delivery driver in Baoding, Hebei Province, breaking down in tears and hitting his head. The video claimed the driver was fined 50 yuan by the platform due to a customer complaint. Industry data shows that the number of food delivery riders in China has exceeded 14 million, and platform fines, complaints, and order allocation rules are part of their daily stress.
Organizational rights are restricted, and the space for labor NGOs is shrinking.
A Human Rights Watch article points out that Chinese gig workers, like their counterparts in other countries, face problems such as low wages, unstable income, unsafe working conditions, and inadequate protection against workplace injuries. However, Chinese workers also face another layer of pressure: the inability to freely organize independent trade unions. The article states that Chinese workers lack the right to organize unions independently, and those attempting to organize labor rights advocacy may face arrest and imprisonment.
Yan Hua (pseudonym), a Zhejiang scholar specializing in Chinese labor issues, told this station that in recent years, the Chinese government has incorporated groups such as food delivery riders, couriers, and ride-hailing drivers into the grassroots governance system to address labor disputes and prevent mass actions. She said, “There are too many platform workers, and they are highly mobile. If they could organize themselves, their bargaining power would increase rapidly. But the current approach is to incorporate them into official trade unions, communities, Party organizations, and industry associations. These organizations are not created by the workers themselves and are not accountable to them. They often suppress workers' demands.”
Lu Jun also stated that the government has always been harsh in its crackdown on workers' self-organized groups such as collective bargaining and free labor unions. In recent years, the space for domestic labor NGOs has been continuously squeezed, and very few grassroots organizations are still able to continue their work. He said, "In recent years, Chinese labor NGOs have been almost completely suppressed. Even those grassroots organizations that used to only provide legal aid, vocational training, or cultural education for workers are now basically not allowed to operate."
The new convention adopted by the International Labour Organization requires workers in the platform economy to have decent working conditions, including fair pay, occupational safety, social security, transparency in data and algorithm management, and the right to organize and collective bargaining. Human Rights Watch believes that although China supports the convention, it still needs to be ratified and implemented; the real standard should be whether workers can obtain enforceable rights.
