Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas issued a presidential decree on Thursday afternoon setting Saturday, November 28, 2026, as the date for legislative elections.
In the decree, which made no mention of elections for the Palestinian National Council abroad, Abbas called on Palestinians in Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip to participate in the legislative elections. The
decree also set the date for the Palestinian presidential elections in the first quarter of next year.
The presidential decree called on the Palestinian people in Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip to participate in free and direct legislative elections to elect members of the Palestinian Legislative Council on the date specified in the decree.
The presidential decree was issued in accordance with the provisions of Law No. (1) of 2007 concerning general elections and its amendments.
Reactions
Fatah leader Fahmi al-Zaarir commented on the decision, considering legislative elections the main gateway to restoring the health of the political system.
He added, "Elections are the right of the Palestinian people to choose their representatives in parliament, and this right must be upheld without hesitation, rejecting any possibility of circumventing, avoiding, or postponing them."
In a post on his Facebook page, al-Zaarir argued that political participation is the foundation of a pluralistic democratic system, a right of the citizen and a duty of the system. He noted that political participation is voluntary and may become mandatory after the elections, not before.
He concluded, "A system based on the will of the people and their free choice is a strong and resilient system, capable of confronting challenges."
The decree avoided addressing any of the demands of the Civil Coalition for Elections or popular movements, as well as the demands of Palestinian factions, such as the cancellation of the condition that some Palestinian groups considered exclusionary. It also made no mention of elections for the Palestinian National Council abroad.
National Authority for Palestinian Popular Workers
In a statement received by Al-Quds Al-Arabi, the Palestinian National Authority for Popular Action stated that “renewing national legitimacy through democratic mechanisms and free and fair elections is a fundamental and indispensable principle in Palestinian political life.”
It noted that “the Palestinian people are facing an open war on their national existence and historical rights, amidst the ongoing Israeli aggression against the Gaza Strip (…) in parallel with an unprecedented escalation in settlement and annexation projects and the imposition of facts on the ground in the West Bank and occupied Jerusalem.”
It emphasized that “the success of any electoral process is not measured solely by holding the vote or announcing the results, but rather by its ability to strengthen national unity, renew popular legitimacy, and rebuild inclusive national institutions in a way that guarantees the participation of all components of the Palestinian people wherever they reside, preserves the status of the Palestine Liberation Organization as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and strengthens the role of its institutions on democratic and participatory foundations.”
She also emphasized that “Palestinians in the diaspora constitute an integral and essential component of the Palestinian people,” and that “their right to political participation and to choose their representatives within their national institutions, foremost among them the Palestinian National Council, is an inherent national and democratic right that cannot be diminished or disregarded.”
The committee called for “launching a comprehensive and responsible national dialogue prior to and accompanying the electoral process, with the aim of reaching a consensus on the political and national guarantees that will ensure the broadest possible participation, preserve the unity of the Palestinian political system, and guarantee respect for the results of the democratic process and the will of the Palestinian people.”
legal amendments
The latest amendment was issued in Ramallah on June 14, 2026. Article (5) amended paragraphs (2) and (6) of Article (45) of the original law to read as follows: Candidates must be at least twenty-three years old on the day of the election, and must adhere to the Amended Basic Law of 2003 and its amendments, the provisions of this decree-law and its amendments, the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, its political and national program, and relevant international resolutions.
The second article, which sparked controversy, Article (6), amended paragraph (2) of Article (48) of the original law to read as follows: The number of candidates on the closed list must not be less than twenty.
According to Article (7), it included amending Clause (d) of Paragraph (2) of Article (50) of the original law to become as follows: A closed list of the names of the candidates of the electoral list, accompanied by the nomination applications of the candidates of the list and their attachments, and their declarations of acceptance of their nomination, and their commitment to the amended Basic Law of 2003 and its amendments, and the provisions of this decision by law and its amendments, and to the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and its political and national program, and the relevant international legitimacy resolutions.
Demands of civil society organizations
The Civil Coalition for Elections, in a statement issued a few days ago, stressed the necessity of elections being "part of a comprehensive national process that restores respect for the will of the citizens."
The coalition emphasized the need for simultaneous presidential and legislative elections in all Palestinian governorates in the West Bank, including Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, to be held on the same day.
It called for the immediate initiation of a broad and inclusive national dialogue, with the participation of all Palestinian forces and factions, along with civil society organizations, women's and youth institutions, and professional and popular unions and federations, to create the political, legal, and social environment for inclusive elections in which everyone can participate without exclusion.
The coalition also affirmed its rejection of any ideological conditions for candidacy that would exclude Palestinian political forces due to their political orientations or visions.
He emphasized that the regulation of the right to run for office must remain within the clear legal boundaries stipulated in Law No. (1) of 2007 concerning general elections and its amendments, without adding vague or politically motivated conditions that infringe upon the principle of pluralism and the citizens' right to free choice. Therefore, the coalition rejects the recent amendments to these conditions and demands their reversal.In its statement, the coalition also called for a review of the electoral system for the Palestinian National Council for 2026, due to its shortcomings and deficiencies, particularly concerning the mechanisms for selecting and representing council members abroad and in the diaspora.
Regarding the exclusion of Palestinian National Council elections from the decree issued by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, sources who spoke with Al-Quds Al-Arabi said that this was due to political reasons in addition to administrative and logistical ones.
A source close to the matter said that there are internal arrangements being led by the Fatah movement to form the National Council abroad through appointments.
Egyptian: Profound political implications
Political analyst Hani al-Masri, for his part, asked: “What kind of elections do we want?” He believes the elections will be held under positive amendments, but these include negative ones, such as increasing the number of Legislative Council members to 200 and lowering the threshold to 1%.
In an interview with he emphasized that while these amendments may appear technical, they actually have profound political implications. They lead to the manipulation of election results and prioritize local and personal considerations over political and programmatic competition, especially with the continued requirement of political loyalty for candidacy. This limits pluralism and transforms the competition into a struggle for positions, influence, and interests rather than a contest between visions and programs. Furthermore, it increases election costs, particularly when comparing the costs of holding simultaneous or separate elections, and for electing 132 members instead of 200.
Al-Masri stated that the president’s decision comes at a time when calls are escalating to postpone the elections until next March, until the results of the American and Israeli elections become clear, the nature of the next Israeli government takes shape, and the implications of the American-Iranian understanding and its repercussions on the region become evident.
Al-Masri argued that the real question is not: When will we hold elections? Nor even: Should we hold them or not? Rather, it is: What kind of elections do we want? What national project will they serve? Will they be a step towards saving the Palestinian cause, or a tool for reproducing and entrenching the crisis in even more dangerous circumstances?
He emphasized that the Palestinian cause is currently at an unprecedented existential crossroads. With the ongoing war of extermination and displacement, the accelerating annexation and imposition of sovereignty, and the attempts to reshape the Palestinian reality in all its components and the region, the issue is no longer merely about the future of the Palestinian Authority, the presidency, the Legislative Council, or even the PLO, but about the future of Palestine itself: Will it remain a national liberation struggle for a people fighting for self-determination, or will it be reduced to a matter of a population needing local administrations under occupation?
He argued that the risks at hand target not only the leadership, the government, the Palestinian Authority, the PLO, the factions, and the resistance, but also the overarching Palestinian national identity, the unity of the people, the land, and the cause, and the representative status of the Palestine Liberation Organization. This leaves the Palestinian Authority with two equally unpalatable options: either to be further transformed into a limited civil administration whose function is to manage the population under occupation, or to be bypassed and replaced by scattered local authorities and administrations, or to extend the experience of the technocratic committee, subject to the so-called Peace Council, which bypassed the leadership, the Authority, and the factions, to the West Bank.
Al-Masri maintained that elections are neither the solution nor the gateway to a solution, but they can become part of it if preceded by a deeper political and national process. This process must begin with a national dialogue, distinct from previous experiences and dialogues, focused on agreeing upon a comprehensive national vision that defines the nature of the current phase, the national objectives, the governing principles and values, the appropriate forms of struggle, and the foundations of national partnership, free from factional quotas. It must also agree upon a minimum, achievable national program that does not compromise the ultimate goal or fundamental rights.
He concluded by saying: “What is required is to put the elections in their proper place: a means to strengthen national unity, renew legitimacy, build institutions, and serve the national project, not an end in itself, nor an entry point for reproducing division or entrenching the status quo in a worse way.”
