West Bank Settlers attack a Palestinian village and the occupation army arrests 5 young men

West Bank Settlers attack a Palestinian village and the occupation army arrests 5 young men  Dozens of Israeli settlers attacked a Palestinian village in the city of Hebron in the southern occupied West Bank, while the Israeli occupation army arrested five Palestinian youths in separate parts of the West Bank.  Dozens of Israeli settlers attacked, Friday evening, a Palestinian village in the city of Hebron, in the southern occupied West Bank, according to a local activist.  Fouad Al-Amour, coordinator of the (non-governmental) Protection and Resilience Committees, south of Hebron, told Anadolu Agency that "about 50 settlers from the Israeli settlement of Susiya attacked the Palestinian village of Susiya in Masafer Yatta, south of Hebron."  He added that "the settlers tried to storm the village, but the villagers confronted them, before confrontations erupted, during which the settlers opened fire, but no injuries were reported."  Al-Amour explained that the settlers withdrew after confronting them, but the Israeli army continues to be present in the vicinity of the village.  Settlers usually launch attacks against Palestinians and their property in the West Bank, and Palestinians say that the Israeli authorities are lenient with the aggressor settlers, as part of official efforts to intensify settlements in the occupied territories.  In another context, the Israeli army arrested, on Friday evening, 5 Palestinian youths from two towns located in the north and center of the occupied West Bank, according to an official source.  The Palestinian news agency "Wafa" said that "the Israeli occupation forces arrested 3 young men from the town of Yabad, southwest of Jenin, in the northern West Bank."  "Wafa" indicated that the young men were arrested while they were in the "comfortable" area in the town of Yabad, and were taken to the "Dotan" military camp in the northern West Bank.  In the center of the West Bank, the same source reported that the Israeli army arrested two young men from the town of Bedouin, northwest of Jerusalem.  He explained that "the occupation forces arrested the two young men during clashes that erupted after a march to support the sick prisoner Nasser Abu Hamid."  He pointed out that the occupation forces set up a roadblock on the road between the villages of Beit Duqo and Beit Ijza, which are close to the town.  And the prisoner "Abu Hamid" from Al-Amari camp in the city of Ramallah in the central West Bank, has been detained since 2002, and has been sentenced to 7 life terms and 50 years in prison, on charges of resisting the occupation and participating in the establishment of the "Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades", affiliated with the Fatah movement.  He is one of 5 brothers who are serving a life sentence in Israeli prisons. Their home was demolished several times by the occupation forces, and their mother was deprived of visiting them for years.  The number of sick Palestinian prisoners in Israeli prisons is about 600, including 4 with cancer, and 14 with tumors of varying degrees.

West Bank Settlers attack a Palestinian village and the occupation army arrests 5 young men


Dozens of Israeli settlers attacked a Palestinian village in the city of Hebron in the southern occupied West Bank, while the Israeli occupation army arrested five Palestinian youths in separate parts of the West Bank.

Dozens of Israeli settlers attacked, Friday evening, a Palestinian village in the city of Hebron, in the southern occupied West Bank, according to a local activist.

Fouad Al-Amour, coordinator of the (non-governmental) Protection and Resilience Committees, south of Hebron, told Anadolu Agency that "about 50 settlers from the Israeli settlement of Susiya attacked the Palestinian village of Susiya in Masafer Yatta, south of Hebron."

He added that "the settlers tried to storm the village, but the villagers confronted them, before confrontations erupted, during which the settlers opened fire, but no injuries were reported."

Al-Amour explained that the settlers withdrew after confronting them, but the Israeli army continues to be present in the vicinity of the village.

Settlers usually launch attacks against Palestinians and their property in the West Bank, and Palestinians say that the Israeli authorities are lenient with the aggressor settlers, as part of official efforts to intensify settlements in the occupied territories.

In another context, the Israeli army arrested, on Friday evening, 5 Palestinian youths from two towns located in the north and center of the occupied West Bank, according to an official source.

The Palestinian news agency "Wafa" said that "the Israeli occupation forces arrested 3 young men from the town of Yabad, southwest of Jenin, in the northern West Bank."

"Wafa" indicated that the young men were arrested while they were in the "comfortable" area in the town of Yabad, and were taken to the "Dotan" military camp in the northern West Bank.

In the center of the West Bank, the same source reported that the Israeli army arrested two young men from the town of Bedouin, northwest of Jerusalem.

He explained that "the occupation forces arrested the two young men during clashes that erupted after a march to support the sick prisoner Nasser Abu Hamid."

He pointed out that the occupation forces set up a roadblock on the road between the villages of Beit Duqo and Beit Ijza, which are close to the town.

And the prisoner "Abu Hamid" from Al-Amari camp in the city of Ramallah in the central West Bank, has been detained since 2002, and has been sentenced to 7 life terms and 50 years in prison, on charges of resisting the occupation and participating in the establishment of the "Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades", affiliated with the Fatah movement.

He is one of 5 brothers who are serving a life sentence in Israeli prisons. Their home was demolished several times by the occupation forces, and their mother was deprived of visiting them for years.

The number of sick Palestinian prisoners in Israeli prisons is about 600, including 4 with cancer, and 14 with tumors of varying degrees.


The Jordanian National Security Council, What are the deep goals, expected results, and the secrets of its establishment?  The new Jordanian National Security Council project is still in the context of quite clear debate and controversy that public opinion, and sometimes the political elites, are immersed in it out of context as long as the government accelerated and did not provide sufficient explanations. The experience, early and in advance, raises a lot of noise and anxiety in Jordan, especially since it has not yet been implemented, where ambiguity and confusion are destroying political expectations, with the conviction that this shift in the establishment of a new authority, which the opposition MP Saleh al-Armouti called a “fourth authority” that has been constitutionalized, is very large. and unprecedented.  A new “constitutional filter” described by opposition MP Saleh al-Armouti as a “fourth authority.”  It is a quick, dramatic and stormy transformation that was not explained to the public opinion, and this is what the Islamic Action Front party noticed, confirming that the issue of constitutional amendments passed quickly and without extensive consultations, noting that the main problem and the key change is in contradiction with the principle of people’s authority.  Changing the identity of the Jordanian regime and state may be a real step, in the opinion of many, also in the direction of establishing the future and involving political parties with a large share of parliament seats, as he insisted on the sidelines of a discussion with Al-Quds Al-Arabi, a member of the Royal Committee, Muhammad Al-Hajouj.  Accordingly, this reflects on a cabinet or a programmatic government that can manage many public affairs, at a time when expert observers believe that the new National Security Council outweighs the power of any future government, especially since it is called based on a royal directive. In emergency cases, there are, in addition to the prime minister and three senior ministers, the generals of the military and security institutions, in addition to two additional members chosen and personally selected by the king, and they are likely in the event of voting on any decision related to security, the military, internal or external security, or even affairs the country's foreign affairs. Accordingly, the identity of the two civilian members in the composition and composition of the National Security Council is an issue that may be vital and essential in the future. But the debate over the National Security Council in general may not be over for several weeks.  Much clarity and transparency may be evident in the event of institutionalizing this council and defining its activities and activities, bearing in mind that the presence of the Jordanian National Security Council means a radical, deep and major change in the general rhythm in managing state affairs.  The new institution plays the “most prominent” and central role in drawing up internal and external security policies. It is immediately obvious that the constitutional path of the parliament will give it a great moral strength that it will be difficult for any government or parliament in the future to ignore. But the most important thing is that the policies here too may become programmatic, meaning that very large structural changes, even historical and articulated, may invade the institutions of the security system exclusively in the event of moving to managing matters later through the filters of the new National Security Council.  It is a completely new situation in the Jordanian political rhythm. Its indicators and repercussions may be significant. Hence, power is shared - according to the young Islamist MP Omar al-Ayasra - between the parties and the old state. This means that a completely new state in the second centenary is overseeing the birth and is currently being formed and demarcation of its borders. It is a state based on the participation of political parties with an abundant share of the administration of the legislative and executive powers; That is, the government, and the presence of a central constitutional body in the joints of the state that handles basic and sovereign files. It is a dynamic situation, especially if the constitutional and moral strength of the new National Security Council institution will impose its imprint on all rhythms, and will lead to changes that may be very large in the structure of the security system in all directions and tracks, and most importantly in the vital field of security doctrines that have governed matters for more than half a century .  The real surprises in clarifying the “hidden face” after the establishment of the National Security Council will appear later after monitoring several observations, the most important of which is the nature of the security figures who will enter the reality of decision institutions through the window of the new institutional filter. As well as the composition of the texts of the “legal system” under which the National Security Council will operate, and most importantly, the demarcation of the new hierarchy and the development of plans that will be constitutional this time for how to manage the sovereign security files and with all possible details, although the identity of two members of the Council chosen by the king later will also have many political implications.  The new National Security Council, after completing the rest of the constitutional approval stages, may lead to a scenario of unlimited change in “high positions” in the management of the country’s institution, in a manner whereby new “symbols and names” join the central decision scene with constitutional weight this time.  And exclusively in the field of names, some surprises may arise. But the most important is the initial impression, far from the exaggerations and dramas of the “transition to absolute monarchy” and the discussion of powers about the new constitutional institution, which is said to be “reformist in origin and purpose.” The most important impression formed early on that “security doctrines and technologies” are on the way to change, starting with the form of The features and structure of “concepts of operations” lead to the emergence and institutionalization of “social security,” passing through the answer to an old painful question due to the lack of answer, which is: How does the “security stability that the country enjoys” turn into an investment and economic “grant”?  Here, in particular, is the “horse-fixer” in the issue and the most sensitive “procedural” test, because the cost and bill of hesitation and the reversal of achievement will be very, very large.

The Jordanian National Security Council, What are the deep goals, expected results, and the secrets of its establishment?


The new Jordanian National Security Council project is still in the context of quite clear debate and controversy that public opinion, and sometimes the political elites, are immersed in it out of context as long as the government accelerated and did not provide sufficient explanations.
The experience, early and in advance, raises a lot of noise and anxiety in Jordan, especially since it has not yet been implemented, where ambiguity and confusion are destroying political expectations, with the conviction that this shift in the establishment of a new authority, which the opposition MP Saleh al-Armouti called a “fourth authority” that has been constitutionalized, is very large. and unprecedented.

A new “constitutional filter” described by opposition MP Saleh al-Armouti as a “fourth authority.”

It is a quick, dramatic and stormy transformation that was not explained to the public opinion, and this is what the Islamic Action Front party noticed, confirming that the issue of constitutional amendments passed quickly and without extensive consultations, noting that the main problem and the key change is in contradiction with the principle of people’s authority.

Changing the identity of the Jordanian regime and state may be a real step, in the opinion of many, also in the direction of establishing the future and involving political parties with a large share of parliament seats, as he insisted on the sidelines of a discussion with Al-Quds Al-Arabi, a member of the Royal Committee, Muhammad Al-Hajouj.

Accordingly, this reflects on a cabinet or a programmatic government that can manage many public affairs, at a time when expert observers believe that the new National Security Council outweighs the power of any future government, especially since it is called based on a royal directive.
In emergency cases, there are, in addition to the prime minister and three senior ministers, the generals of the military and security institutions, in addition to two additional members chosen and personally selected by the king, and they are likely in the event of voting on any decision related to security, the military, internal or external security, or even affairs the country's foreign affairs. Accordingly, the identity of the two civilian members in the composition and composition of the National Security Council is an issue that may be vital and essential in the future. But the debate over the National Security Council in general may not be over for several weeks.

Much clarity and transparency may be evident in the event of institutionalizing this council and defining its activities and activities, bearing in mind that the presence of the Jordanian National Security Council means a radical, deep and major change in the general rhythm in managing state affairs.

The new institution plays the “most prominent” and central role in drawing up internal and external security policies. It is immediately obvious that the constitutional path of the parliament will give it a great moral strength that it will be difficult for any government or parliament in the future to ignore. But the most important thing is that the policies here too may become programmatic, meaning that very large structural changes, even historical and articulated, may invade the institutions of the security system exclusively in the event of moving to managing matters later through the filters of the new National Security Council.

It is a completely new situation in the Jordanian political rhythm. Its indicators and repercussions may be significant. Hence, power is shared - according to the young Islamist MP Omar al-Ayasra - between the parties and the old state. This means that a completely new state in the second centenary is overseeing the birth and is currently being formed and demarcation of its borders. It is a state based on the participation of political parties with an abundant share of the administration of the legislative and executive powers; That is, the government, and the presence of a central constitutional body in the joints of the state that handles basic and sovereign files. It is a dynamic situation, especially if the constitutional and moral strength of the new National Security Council institution will impose its imprint on all rhythms, and will lead to changes that may be very large in the structure of the security system in all directions and tracks, and most importantly in the vital field of security doctrines that have governed matters for more than half a century .

The real surprises in clarifying the “hidden face” after the establishment of the National Security Council will appear later after monitoring several observations, the most important of which is the nature of the security figures who will enter the reality of decision institutions through the window of the new institutional filter. As well as the composition of the texts of the “legal system” under which the National Security Council will operate, and most importantly, the demarcation of the new hierarchy and the development of plans that will be constitutional this time for how to manage the sovereign security files and with all possible details, although the identity of two members of the Council chosen by the king later will also have many political implications.

The new National Security Council, after completing the rest of the constitutional approval stages, may lead to a scenario of unlimited change in “high positions” in the management of the country’s institution, in a manner whereby new “symbols and names” join the central decision scene with constitutional weight this time.

And exclusively in the field of names, some surprises may arise. But the most important is the initial impression, far from the exaggerations and dramas of the “transition to absolute monarchy” and the discussion of powers about the new constitutional institution, which is said to be “reformist in origin and purpose.” The most important impression formed early on that “security doctrines and technologies” are on the way to change, starting with the form of The features and structure of “concepts of operations” lead to the emergence and institutionalization of “social security,” passing through the answer to an old painful question due to the lack of answer, which is: How does the “security stability that the country enjoys” turn into an investment and economic “grant”?

Here, in particular, is the “horse-fixer” in the issue and the most sensitive “procedural” test, because the cost and bill of hesitation and the reversal of achievement will be very, very large.


Iran announces payment of compensation to the families of the victims of the Ukrainian plane How much was it?  Iran announces the payment of compensation to the families of the victims of the stricken Ukrainian passenger plane, which Tehran announced by mistake in January 2020. The deputy head of the Civil Aviation Organization also indicated that other families of the victims will receive the same amount if they submit a request.  Iran announced, on Friday, the payment of compensation to the families of the victims of the downed Ukrainian passenger plane, which Tehran announced by mistake in January 2020.  The official news agency "IRNA" quoted the Vice-President of the Civil Aviation Organization, Arash Khodaei, as saying that some families of the victims received compensation of $150,000, which was previously specified.  Khadaei indicated that other families of the victims will also get the mentioned amount if they submit a request, without further details.  On January 8, 2020, a Ukrainian passenger plane "Boeing 737" crashed in Tehran minutes after take-off, killing all 176 people on board.  After days of denying responsibility for the accident, the Iranian General Staff admitted, in a statement, that its air defense system had shot down the passenger plane the moment it passed over a "sensitive military area" due to a "human error."  Meanwhile, the Revolutionary Guards announced, through the commander of its air-space force, Brigadier General Amir Ali Hajizadeh, that it bears the responsibility for shooting down the plane.  On January 30, 2020, the Iranian cabinet agreed to pay $150,000 in compensation to the families of the victims of the crash.

Iran announces payment of compensation to the families of the victims of the Ukrainian plane How much was it?


Iran announces the payment of compensation to the families of the victims of the stricken Ukrainian passenger plane, which Tehran announced by mistake in January 2020. The deputy head of the Civil Aviation Organization also indicated that other families of the victims will receive the same amount if they submit a request.

Iran announced, on Friday, the payment of compensation to the families of the victims of the downed Ukrainian passenger plane, which Tehran announced by mistake in January 2020.

The official news agency "IRNA" quoted the Vice-President of the Civil Aviation Organization, Arash Khodaei, as saying that some families of the victims received compensation of $150,000, which was previously specified.

Khadaei indicated that other families of the victims will also get the mentioned amount if they submit a request, without further details.

On January 8, 2020, a Ukrainian passenger plane "Boeing 737" crashed in Tehran minutes after take-off, killing all 176 people on board.

After days of denying responsibility for the accident, the Iranian General Staff admitted, in a statement, that its air defense system had shot down the passenger plane the moment it passed over a "sensitive military area" due to a "human error."

Meanwhile, the Revolutionary Guards announced, through the commander of its air-space force, Brigadier General Amir Ali Hajizadeh, that it bears the responsibility for shooting down the plane.

On January 30, 2020, the Iranian cabinet agreed to pay $150,000 in compensation to the families of the victims of the crash.

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