"The New East Policy" Why does Germany adopt a lax policy towards Russia? "The New East Policy" Why does Germany adopt a lax policy towards Russia?

"The New East Policy" Why does Germany adopt a lax policy towards Russia?

"سياسة الشرق الجديدة".. لماذا تتبنى ألمانيا سياسة متراخية تجاه روسيا؟ تزامناً مع حشد روسيا عشرات الآلاف من جنودها على الحدود مع أوكرانيا، يتساءل قادة كبار في الحزب الاشتراكي الديموقراطي الألماني علناً، عما إذا كان خطر الغزو "مبالغاً فيه".  بينما يواجه الائتلاف الحكومي بقيادة أولاف شولتس أول أزمة دولية كبيرة في ظل شبح الحرب في أوكرانيا، تكشف سياسة برلين الملتبسة تجاه موسكو مواقف الأحزاب الألمانية من روسيا، وتحديداً موقف المستشار نفسه.  وتزامناً مع حشد روسيا عشرات الآلاف من جنودها على الحدود مع أوكرانيا، يتساءل قادة كبار في الحزب الاشتراكي الديموقراطي الألماني علناً، عما إذا كان خطر الغزو "مبالغاً فيه".  ويحذّر المستشار السابق غيرهارد شرودر، وهو أيضاً من الحزب الاشتراكي الديموقراطي، كييف من "استعراض القوة"، ويقول إن الحشد العسكري الروسي هو رد فعل على مناورات حلف شمال الأطلسي (ناتو) في دول البلطيق وبولندا.  ويشوش ضجيج المواقف المتناقضة لأعضاء الحزب الحاكم، على رسالة شولتس، الذي يؤكد أن برلين متحدة مع الحلفاء ضد التهديد الروسي، على الرغم من أن المستشار شدد في الواقع موقف ألمانيا تجاه الرئيس فلاديمير بوتين.  فيما تتفاقم المخاوف بسبب رفض برلين تسليم أسلحة إلى أوكرانيا، على خلفية ما وصفته بمسؤولياتها التاريخية بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية.  وحول ذلك، كتبت مجلة "دير شبيغل" الأسبوعية أن "أكبر عائق للسياسة الخارجية الألمانية في الوقت الحالي هو حزب المستشار"، مشيرة إلى أن قطاعات كبيرة من الحزب الاشتراكي الديموقراطي لا تزال تعيش في حالة "تعاطف مع موسكو".  بدوره، حذر الأمين العام للحزب كيفن كونرت مؤخراً من "التحدث عن صراعات دولية محتملة لجعلها واقعاً" من أجل دفن مشاريع "كانت دائماً شوكة في خاصرة أحدهم"، في إشارة إلى خط الأنابيب المثير للجدل "نورد ستريم 2" الذي شيد لنقل الغاز الروسي إلى أوروبا، وحذرت منه الولايات المتحدة.  وفي وقت يشهد أسوأ توتر بين الغرب والكرملين منذ الحرب الباردة، لا يزال شرودر يشغل منصب رئيس مجلس إدارة شركة النفط الروسية العملاقة "روسنفت".  وعلق على ذلك رئيس بلدية كييف فيتالي كليتشكو قائلاً: "على ألمانيا أن تضمن أن جماعات الضغط" مثل شرودر "ممنوعة قانوناً من العمل لصالح النظام الروسي".  "سياسة الشرق الجديدة"  ينبع موقف الحزب الاشتراكي الديموقراطي المتراخي تجاه روسيا، مما يسمى "سياسة الشرق الجديدة" التي ابتكرها المستشار السابق فيلي برانت.  وشكلت سياسة الانفراج والحوار مع الاتحاد السوفياتي آنذاك قطيعة مع استراتيجية أول مستشار لألمانيا الغربية كونراد أديناور، الذي رفض الاعتراف بألمانيا الشرقية الشيوعية.  فيما يرى العديد من الألمان أن "سياسة الشرق الجديدة" سمحت بالتقارب مع الشطر الشرقي وإعادة توحيد ألمانيا في نهاية المطاف، وهي السياسة التي أصبحت اليوم في صلب هوية الاشتراكيين الديموقراطيين.  حتى أنغيلا ميركل من حزب "الاتحاد الديموقراطي المسيحي"، دافعت عن الحوار والعلاقات الاقتصادية كوسيلة لكبح جماح روسيا.  وخلال 16 عاماً من عهد ميركل، هيمنت البراغماتية الاقتصادية أيضاً، فقد دافعت مثلاً عن خط أنابيب "نورد ستريم 2" وأصرت على أنه مشروع تجاري.  وإلى جانب إرث ألمانيا المتمثل في عقدة ذنب الحرب، فقد عزز هذا الموقف المتأصل تجاه روسيا، إحجام برلين عن تصدير الأسلحة.  وأظهر استطلاع نُشر هذا الأسبوع أن 59% من الألمان الذين شملهم الاستطلاع يؤيدون حكومة "شولتس" في رفضها تسليح أوكرانيا، مقابل 20% فقط يعارضون هذا الموقف.      "The New East Policy" Why does Germany adopt a lax policy towards Russia?  As Russia masses tens of thousands of troops on the border with Ukraine, senior leaders of Germany's Social Democratic Party are publicly asking whether the threat of invasion is "exaggerated."  As the coalition government led by Olaf Scholz faces its first major international crisis under the specter of war in Ukraine, Berlin's ambiguous policy toward Moscow reveals the German parties' attitudes toward Russia, and in particular that of the chancellor himself.  As Russia masses tens of thousands of troops on the border with Ukraine, senior leaders of Germany's Social Democratic Party are publicly asking whether the threat of invasion is "exaggerated."  Former chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, also of the Social Democrats, warns Kiev against a "show of force" and says the Russian build-up is a reaction to NATO maneuvers in the Baltic states and Poland.  Schulz's message is muddled by the din of contradictory positions of ruling party members, who asserts that Berlin is united with the Allies against the Russian threat, even though the chancellor has in fact stressed Germany's position on President Vladimir Putin.  Concerns are exacerbated by Berlin's refusal to deliver weapons to Ukraine, against the backdrop of what it described as its historical responsibilities after World War II.  On this, the weekly magazine Der Spiegel wrote that "the biggest obstacle to German foreign policy at the moment is the chancellor's party," noting that large sections of the Social Democratic Party still live in a state of "sympathy with Moscow."  In turn, the party's Secretary-General, Kevin Koenert, recently warned against "talking about possible international conflicts to make them a reality" in order to bury projects that "have always been a thorn in someone's side", in reference to the controversial Nord Stream 2 pipeline that was built to transport Russian gas to Russia. Europe, and the United States warned him.  At a time of the worst tension between the West and the Kremlin since the Cold War, Schroeder is still chairman of the board of directors of the Russian oil giant Rosneft.  Kiev Mayor Vitali Klitschko commented: "Germany should ensure that lobbyists" like Schroeder "are legally prohibited from working for the Russian regime."  "New East Policy" The SPD's lax attitude toward Russia stems from the so-called "New East Policy" devised by former chancellor Willy Brandt.  The policy of détente and dialogue with the Soviet Union at the time constituted a break with the strategy of the first chancellor of West Germany, Konrad Adenauer, who refused to recognize communist East Germany.  In the view of many Germans, the "New East Policy" allowed for rapprochement with the eastern part and the eventual reunification of Germany, a policy that today has become at the core of the identity of the Social Democrats.  Even Angela Merkel of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), has advocated dialogue and economic relations as a way to rein in Russia.  During the 16 years of Merkel's tenure, economic pragmatism also prevailed. For example, she defended the Nord Stream 2 pipeline and insisted it was a business.  Combined with Germany's legacy of war guilt, this ingrained attitude toward Russia reinforced Berlin's reluctance to export arms.  A poll published this week showed that 59% of Germans surveyed support the "Schulz" government in its refusal to arm Ukraine, compared to only 20% who oppose this position.

"The New East Policy" Why does Germany adopt a lax policy towards Russia?


As Russia masses tens of thousands of troops on the border with Ukraine, senior leaders of Germany's Social Democratic Party are publicly asking whether the threat of invasion is "exaggerated."

As the coalition government led by Olaf Scholz faces its first major international crisis under the specter of war in Ukraine, Berlin's ambiguous policy toward Moscow reveals the German parties' attitudes toward Russia, and in particular that of the chancellor himself.

As Russia masses tens of thousands of troops on the border with Ukraine, senior leaders of Germany's Social Democratic Party are publicly asking whether the threat of invasion is "exaggerated."

Former chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, also of the Social Democrats, warns Kiev against a "show of force" and says the Russian build-up is a reaction to NATO maneuvers in the Baltic states and Poland.

Schulz's message is muddled by the din of contradictory positions of ruling party members, who asserts that Berlin is united with the Allies against the Russian threat, even though the chancellor has in fact stressed Germany's position on President Vladimir Putin.

Concerns are exacerbated by Berlin's refusal to deliver weapons to Ukraine, against the backdrop of what it described as its historical responsibilities after World War II.

On this, the weekly magazine Der Spiegel wrote that "the biggest obstacle to German foreign policy at the moment is the chancellor's party," noting that large sections of the Social Democratic Party still live in a state of "sympathy with Moscow."

In turn, the party's Secretary-General, Kevin Koenert, recently warned against "talking about possible international conflicts to make them a reality" in order to bury projects that "have always been a thorn in someone's side", in reference to the controversial Nord Stream 2 pipeline that was built to transport Russian gas to Russia. Europe, and the United States warned him.

At a time of the worst tension between the West and the Kremlin since the Cold War, Schroeder is still chairman of the board of directors of the Russian oil giant Rosneft.

Kiev Mayor Vitali Klitschko commented: "Germany should ensure that lobbyists" like Schroeder "are legally prohibited from working for the Russian regime."

"New East Policy"
The SPD's lax attitude toward Russia stems from the so-called "New East Policy" devised by former chancellor Willy Brandt.

The policy of détente and dialogue with the Soviet Union at the time constituted a break with the strategy of the first chancellor of West Germany, Konrad Adenauer, who refused to recognize communist East Germany.

In the view of many Germans, the "New East Policy" allowed for rapprochement with the eastern part and the eventual reunification of Germany, a policy that today has become at the core of the identity of the Social Democrats.

Even Angela Merkel of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), has advocated dialogue and economic relations as a way to rein in Russia.

During the 16 years of Merkel's tenure, economic pragmatism also prevailed. For example, she defended the Nord Stream 2 pipeline and insisted it was a business.

Combined with Germany's legacy of war guilt, this ingrained attitude toward Russia reinforced Berlin's reluctance to export arms.

A poll published this week showed that 59% of Germans surveyed support the "Schulz" government in its refusal to arm Ukraine, compared to only 20% who oppose this position.

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