Palestinians are closely monitoring regional events for reasons that extend beyond their indirect impact on them. Until recently, citizens, candidates, and activists feared that the local (municipal) elections would not be held on schedule. However, US President Donald Trump's extension of the ceasefire with Iran has significantly increased the likelihood of the elections taking place, particularly since they are scheduled for Saturday, April 25, in 183 local councils.
491 polling stations will open on Saturday morning, including 12 in Deir al-Balah in the Gaza Strip.
The Central Election Commission is working to deepen its advertising campaign in order to ensure the highest voter turnout. The latest advertisement broadcast on the commission’s website contained an awareness message that emphasized that “voting is a right and obstructing it is a crime.”
Lists that won by acclamation
The previous key phrase through which the committee seeks to encourage citizens to vote and participate in the municipal elections is met with an electoral battle between lists throughout the West Bank, while major cities such as Ramallah, Nablus and Qalqilya are excluded from entering this battle, through lists that won by acclamation as is the case in Ramallah and Nablus, or through the non-presentation of any candidate himself to participate in the elections as in the city of Qalqilya.
Farid Ta’amallah, spokesman for the Central Elections Committee, disagrees with the prevailing view, saying: “It seems that many people have the impression that there is a reluctance to participate in the municipal elections, but there are indications that contradict this, whether it is with regard to candidates or observers.”
He continues in an interview with Al-Quds Al-Arabi: “We have approximately 2,500 local observers, and there are about 6,000 candidates. There are also more than 700 journalists from 150 countries, in addition to about 150 international observers, along with the local observers.”
He points out that these figures reveal that the candidates and observers, along with the number of those who will cast their votes, all negate the impression that this process is facing a boycott.
Regarding the implications of these figures, Ta'amallah says that holding elections at the international level is part of international demands, particularly from Europe, Australia, Canada, and various countries that have recently recognized Palestine. Among their top demands is the holding of elections, including local elections for municipalities and village councils. The Palestinian Authority, through this process, asserts that it is part of its political reform program and represents a starting point.
He adds: “The West has a great interest in these elections as they provide an indication of reform, and this is largely for political reasons.”
At the local level, the figures reveal that citizens are eager for elections. There is a thirst for elections, which appear to be the only outlet for citizens to voice their opinions given the current Palestinian political landscape.
Absence of candidacy
Despite the hope expressed by Ta’am Allah, a Palestinian city called Qalqilya, in the central West Bank, is recording a unique case of complete absence of candidacy, whether through direct candidacy or through an agreed-upon list known as “endorsement”.
This means the city will be excluded from the electoral process in this cycle, and its administration will continue through a steering committee affiliated with the Ministry of Local Government, a mechanism adopted in the event that elections cannot be held.
According to data from the Central Election Commission, the average age of young candidates in the governorate, compared to older age groups, is 45.2 years, while the final number of candidates is 308, including 79 women, with a female representation rate of 26%, which means a decrease in youth participation.
Political apathy?
These indicators collectively reflect a state of political stagnation or apathy in the city, despite the opening of nominations and the provision of space for submitting objections within the specified legal frameworks.
Besides Qalqilya, elections will also not be held on Saturday in the cities of Ramallah and Nablus, because the Fatah movement's list won in both cities by acclamation, as no competing lists ran.
Regarding the overall procedures in light of the concerns of citizens and candidates amidst a volatile region, Ta’am Allah adds that things are proceeding according to the planned timetable, and therefore there are no problems or issues hindering this process, “but rather normal matters that we deal with in each case separately.”
He continues: “There are about 1.3 million Palestinian voters who have the right to vote next Saturday, including 70,000 in Deir al-Balah, and there are 183 local authorities where elections are being held.”
Regarding concerns about the Israeli occupation in light of the daily incursions throughout the West Bank, he says: “We assume in principle that the government has completed coordination with the Israeli side. The transfer of ballot boxes yesterday took place without any obstacle, and during the voting we expect things that are beyond our control, such as incursions, curfews, or settler attacks, and there is certainly coordination with the Israeli side through the Civil Affairs.”
settler aggression
He believes that the most dangerous scenario is an attack by settlers in light of the escalation of their attacks throughout the regions, and “in the worst case, the law treats each village as a self-contained unit, and therefore this reduces the repercussions of matters in the event of a major security problem.”
Regarding the absence of elections in Nablus and Ramallah, he emphasizes that the "Elections Committee's" primary concern is ensuring that its procedures did not impede candidacy, and secondly, that there were no obstacles preventing candidates from running. He adds, "We are certain this is not the case, as we have not received any complaints on this matter."
Regarding concerns about a high percentage of invalid or void ballots, he confirms that these are real concerns, and continues: “The new law did not have the time it deserved. Usually, the law is changed after the elections, or at least there is a year between changing the law and holding any elections. In our Palestinian case, the law was changed one day, and the next day elections were called for. Therefore, the time was not sufficient, and this is one of the biggest challenges, namely the lack of time, in addition to the financial crisis facing the Palestinian Authority.”
Ta’am Allah emphasizes that the committee has made a great effort, saying: “We have carried out six awareness and education campaigns, yet that is not enough. What we will focus on is the last line of defense before the vote, where the polling officer will explain to the citizen, when he comes to vote, the nature of the procedures and what is required of him. For us, every voter will pass through the bottleneck and will hear the instructions precisely from our officer.”
Elections without change
In contrast to Ta'am Allah's optimism, Dr. Ahmed Abu al-Haija, a researcher in political sociology and social movements, sees no impact of these elections on the Palestinian reform project as demanded by international bodies. In an interview with Al-Quds Al-Arabi, he explained that local elections will not grant the Palestinian Authority legitimacy, given that the required step is not local elections, as these are a periodic process.
He adds: “It is expected that the Palestinian Authority will try to give it a positive and legitimate image by holding certain elections, but the international community has a very clear reform plan; it wants a change in the political system. In this context, municipal elections will not achieve this, as what is required are legislative and presidential elections. The Authority is moving towards elections for the National Council, which we see as an irreversible decision that will take place in October of this year. The goal of the elections, as we see it, is to remove the remaining troublemakers from the National Council, not to form an inclusive body representing all parties.”
He emphasizes that foreign entities believe that genuine reform is linked to the legislative and presidential institutions, while “we know that there is an absolute veto from the authorities against holding elections for these two institutions.”
Regarding the ability of the current elections to provide municipalities with strong councils, Abu Al-Haija believes that it is certain that the current elections will not produce municipalities that are either stronger or weaker, given that they are based on the same equation, the same people, and the same formations.
He continues: “It is an alliance of certain poles from the Fatah movement with the clans, and this constitutes the overwhelming majority in all locations with very limited exceptions. Therefore, it is the same outcome of the 2021 elections and will not produce anything new.”
Abu al-Haija emphasizes that the same components that currently exist are what the elections will produce, and he continues: “This is natural in light of the fact that the goal of the authority is to keep the current situation of the municipalities as it is without any radical changes, at least in terms of political identity, in light of the instability of the political reality and the absence of any future vision in terms of the role of the municipalities.”
He believes that “this is entirely related to the general political trend that assumes that the Authority weakens Israel, and therefore strengthens the municipalities. Therefore, the Authority seeks to maintain the status quo in terms of maintaining the control of the organization, i.e. the Fatah movement, specifically a current within the organization that is characterized by being extremely loyal, in order to be present in case of any change in roles in the Authority.”
The role of clans
Regarding the role of the tribes, he emphasizes that it is an “old and new” role, as the tribes constitute a determinant that plays the role of alliance with the authority, and they represent the primary societal legitimacy in light of the absence of civil society and opposition political forces.
Abu al-Haija sees no fundamental differences between the northern and southern West Bank except in the strength or weakness of loyalty. He says, “Regarding the nature of the tribal dimension, we see that primordial tendencies still prevail, even among the educated elite. There is a resurgence of familial allegiances, though not a generalization.”
He concludes by saying: “This does not negate the emphasis on holding elections, as they are an important and essential event. The periodicity of elections, whatever the circumstances and observations, and even if the elections are flawed, should be a non-negotiable subject. This is a legacy that must continue, no matter what the observations are and no matter how large they are.”
