The term "bulldozer," a descriptive label that has become synonymous with Jordanian parliamentarian, public figure, and politician Khalil Attieh, may not be related to his construction or contracting work. This label has become popular and widely used in the media after more than 27 years of being deeply involved in the legislative, electoral, and voting processes—a remarkable journey between the state and the public.
Attieh's career as a citizen, contractor, and politician began with the Greater Amman Municipality Council some 30 years ago, followed by 27 years of parliamentary representation. He consistently garnered the most votes, unchallenged in most elections, until the last one, where he decided not to run again. He left his seat not only to his brother, the current Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Khamis Attieh, who also has experience, but also to "new blood," all while remaining committed to national and public service.
When the term "bulldozer" is used in Jordanian political and public circles, it becomes synonymous with one of the most popular and prominent members of parliament over the past three decades.
But in its background, it does not stop exclusively at the “tenders and contracts” station that the Attieh family has been running for 4 decades, and in all humility, accompanied by direct popular work. But that descriptive term has acquired a political and popular meaning by virtue of the imprint that accompanied the performance, speech, and interventions signed by MP Khalil Attieh for 3 decades, where the word, the position, and the legislative and oversight experience in confronting governments and the executive authority, and in representing the hopes of voters and popular aspirations within a performance equation that balances what is required popularly and populistly, and the higher interests of the state, and within the contexts of a dynamic and effective procedural discourse that is close to simple parliamentary work.
The synonym for "bulldozer"
In this sense, Atieh is the name that comes to mind when one thinks of a bulldozer, prompting veteran journalist Samir Al-Hayari to recently inquire about the term and its origins during an interview with Noon Radio.
Therefore, it can be said that the dialogue conducted by Al-Quds Al-Arabi with the former and historically significant MP Khalil Atieh is more akin to a journey into the essence and nature of the most prominent and important symbol in national political activism, specifically within the realm of "national political accommodation" at the heart of the equation of "effective intermediary links" between the state and the people.
Here, exclusively, are conciliatory formulations of positions and follow-ups that form the basis for strengthening the wall of national unity, especially among social components, and a discourse that maintains balance with a fierce diplomacy that traditional politicians usually avoid.
The boundaries of communication and points of contact between "authority and the people" are the space in which Atieh provided a productive public service to all parties, excelling in this "handling" due to his "simplicity and clarity" of expression and his tone that popularly blends "hope with pain."
This is where the questioning begins in the discussion and dialogue:
○ What were the beginnings, and how were they during this current period of relative inactivity?
• Firstly, I don't know of a warrior who truly rests, in the holistic sense; one can only pause to catch their breath.
For me, "serving the nation and its people" is a noble and ongoing mission, characterized by its "practicality," its "continuity," and its freedom from "narrow interests." Participating in elections is merely one aspect of this mission.
My brother, my friend, and the apple of my eye, Khamis, continues this mission in the parliamentary and electoral spheres and represents me fully.
○ Are you suggesting here an understanding related to a "politicized family"?
• There's no indication of any conclusion here… What concerns me is the following: We are generally part of the national popular structure and of the people, and this is a source of pride for us.
Public service, in general, has allowed us to engage with society horizontally, and then the Jordanian people honored us with their blessings, representation, and votes.
Personally, I will always do what I must without getting bogged down in political, and sometimes even electoral, calculations.
○ Where did the initial spark ignite in the electoral phase of your journey?
• When it comes to elections, the primary and fundamental credit, after God's grace, goes to my family and community in Al-Hussein camp in Amman, the capital. It was there that I first embarked on my electoral journey, engaging with the hopes, aspirations, and ambitions of the citizens.
The debt we owe to the people of Al-Hussein camp is undeniable. If we are discussing the birth of our first expression in electoral political action, we will inevitably pause at this remarkable camp and its kind people, of whom we were, are, and will remain an integral part.
Throughout our parliamentary terms and beyond, we have been proud of the votes we received from all segments of our people and regions, but that spark you are referring to was ignited thanks to the residents of Al-Hussein camp.
Al-Hussein Camp
○ Perhaps we should pause with you to consider the event of 2008 at Al-Hussein camp, where you personally received the highest-ranking delegation of senior officials, accompanied by camp residents, and raised "welcome banners" that sparked political controversy and contained a message?
• Yes, you are referring to two banners that carried a message on behalf of "the sons of the camps" in Jordan.
○ That's right… The first banner read, "Jordan is a homeland that lives within us," and the second said, "Palestine has no alternative but Paradise." What was the message?
• The two banners here represent the message, not from me personally, but from the camp residents, and thus from the national social component that represents segments of the refugee camps in Jordan.
Of course, the message was intentional, and we raised the banners after consultations with sincere and loyal individuals to both the Jordanian and Palestinian peoples, and to welcome the then Prime Minister and Speaker of the Senate, Nader al-Dahabi and the late Zaid al-Rifai, may God have mercy on him, and their accompanying senior officials amidst the camp residents.
○ Why did you decide on "this style of reception"?
• Everyone knows that visits by high-ranking officials to refugee camps are rare occurrences for governments. When arranging to receive the two presidents and their entourage at Al-Hussein Camp, the camp's council members, whom I always hold in high regard, decided to recommend expanding the message of welcoming their "guests." So, those welcoming banners were raised in the camp's traditional style.
Some details were also arranged, including a "menu for our guests," where dishes like molokhia and maqluba were served alongside mansaf.
○ A menu with a flavor of national unity…isn't that right?
• Yes, and of course, we wanted to convey at that time that the Jordanian people are united and that all social groups are committed to the Jordanian homeland and reject any scenario proposed by our enemies that involves alternative homelands.Molokhia and Mansaf
The Bulldozer doesn't wish to delve into political analysis and speculation, especially regarding the details of the reception for Rifa'i and Dahabi at the invitation arranged by Khalil Atieh and presented on behalf of one of the oldest camps.
The Bulldozer strives to emphasize that the camp residents want to affirm the unity of the people and move beyond sub-identities. The core message is that the noble and chivalrous members of the camp are telling the most prominent state officials that Jordan, as a homeland, a discourse, interests, and a state, resides deep within the hearts and minds of the camp residents. It lives within them, not the other way around, without any exaggeration or pretense regarding the camps' and their residents' commitment to Jordan's security and interests, and their readiness to sacrifice their lives for it.
The second aspect is also important: rejecting the entire Zionist narrative of an alternative homeland, or any other option. This means adhering to the right of return and the occupied homeland, for which the only acceptable alternative is "Paradise," and nowhere else.
In other words, the Jordanian status of the camp residents does not negate their rights in any way.
What was said in Al-Hussein camp back then, according to Atieh, is still being said by all the camps in Jordan.
"Burning the flag of the Zionist entity" station
What Attia suggests is that his burning of the Israeli flag at least twice—the first time under the dome of the Jordanian Parliament in a well-known incident, and the second time under the dome of the Arab Parliament in Cairo—were events recorded within a specific political and regional context. However, they are a message to those concerned, representing the conscience of the Jordanian and Palestinian peoples and the wounded Arab conscience in general.
Burning the enemy's flag twice is an expression of undeniable national sentiments, emotions, and stances. These do not represent him personally, but rather, to a large extent, the electorate he has the honor of representing.
Attia insists that his act of burning the flag of the Zionist entity twice is a bright spot in his political, national, and popular record, even though the matter ended with some complications and criticism from some Arab officials.
The incident of burning the Israeli flag was not accidental and sparked controversy, but Attia considers it a highly symbolic message with its own context in highlighting the Arab world's impotence in the face of Zionist genocide and brutality.
It is a gesture that does not warrant exaggeration or sensationalism, especially considering the exceptional sacrifices made by the Palestinian people in defense of the dignity of the entire nation.
○ How do you view the burning of the Israeli flag under the Dome of the Rock now, years later?
• The incident was a simple act that the media exaggerated. From my perspective, it was an expression of gratitude for the sacrifices of our Palestinian people and for the strength and steadfastness of the Jordanian position. Furthermore, regardless of how one interprets the act, I leave this simple deed for my children, my family, and those who elected me, so that I may be remembered for it in the future when my soul returns to its Creator, the Almighty.
My view is that the Israeli entity deserves to have its heart burned, not just its flag. This act is insignificant compared to the burning of children and the crushing of their bones in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and the West Bank.
○ Do you feel any regret for that act?
• I firmly believe that this conflict with the occupying entity will ultimately result in its demise, the restoration of the rights of our noble and courageous Palestinian people, and the Arab nation's liberation from the cancerous tumor that bears the name of Israel.The issue has nothing to do with any political regret, and I reiterate that this is a symbolic message, which I believe the media has exaggerated in highlighting. Ultimately, I represent the Jordanians who elect me, the ordinary, the poor, and the needy who often lack the eloquent political expression to articulate their hopes, positions, and feelings.
Let me be frank: there is no evasion or politicization when speaking about the principles I claim to represent on behalf of those who have entrusted me with their votes for over 27 years and several times. This is a reality we must accept and act upon.
Do you agree with the current view that Israel threatens Jordan and does not stop at the borders of the "occupation of Palestine"?
The only truth we all believe in, and which recent events have proven, is that Israel is a cancerous, expansionist entity that, of course, threatens Jordan and all of Palestine's neighboring countries.
In this context, we must express our pride, honor, and loyalty to the blood of the martyrs, the families of the prisoners, and the prisoners themselves, and to all the great sacrifices made by our great Palestinian people in confronting an occupier whose goal is certainly not only Jerusalem and the sacred Palestinian land.
Do you agree with the conclusion that the dangers posed by the Israeli right wing are real and profound?
The extremist government in Tel Aviv is openly threatening six neighboring countries. Everyone knows that the Likud party, which formed a coalition of lunatics and criminal gang leaders, is fundamentally, ideologically, and in its heritage, a radical and extremist party. Evidence of this can be found in its music, anthems, the oath its members take upon joining, and its election platform, which proclaims a "Greater Israel."
The danger is real, of course, and there is no more criminal animosity than the mythology propagated by the thugs of the Israeli right wing, the tangible result of which is the rapid transformation of peace into an illusion and a song meant to be exploited by the vulnerable.
The question of "political identity"
○ After 27 years of parliamentary work, how would you describe your political identity?
• After all this time, I will speak frankly: I am like myself and like the voters who honored me with their trust. I always accept observation, criticism, objection, and even constructive engagement.
Therefore, my political identity is partial and doesn't worry me. The classifications of politicians with their media spin don't concern me. I always consult the people, the electoral base, and state institutions. I do my duty according to my conscience and convictions. I may err in my judgment, and I am fully prepared to accept corrections to my position and evaluations of my of my performance.
Therefore, I don't favor unnecessary political debates, and I have no need to repeat propaganda displays. All I need to know is that my ultimate and absolute goal, after pleasing God, is to elevate the status and interests of the Jordanian nation, support the leadership and institutions, and represent the people, their interests, hopes, and aspirations in every capacity, even after my recent electoral withdrawal.
○ How would you formulate this equation more clearly?
• Fear of God is paramount in all circumstances, and my conviction in Jordan's interests, the legitimacy of its leadership, and the vital role of its institutions is my guiding principle. I have consistently striven to avoid political sophistry and steer clear of the machinations of political salons and clubs.
All I can say is this: I am part of the parliamentary landscape, but I express this landscape in the simple, popular way I understand it. Therefore, I am not concerned with classifying politicians, attracting media attention (whom I respect in all cases), or even the ways others think and act.
My sole concern is to work honestly, guided by my intentions to please God Almighty and my conscience. I desire nothing more than that.
The brave men and the slaughter of camels
In his final interview, Attia spoke candidly and spontaneously about his declared intention to "slaughter camels" should the Jordanian national team, Al-Nashama, win the World Cup.
Most importantly, Attia emphasized the "significance" of the widespread support for the team, which clearly fostered a sense of "transcending sub-identities" within society and contributed to strengthening Jordanian unity. He sees this as a valuable "sporting" message, one that can be leveraged economically, nationally, and in terms of national unity. Attia
views footballing success as an ongoing investment, stating, "We mustn't stop, or convince ourselves, to stop at simply cheering, supporting, and applauding the team. We must fulfill our duty towards this young, promising team, just as the players are fulfilling theirs, without unrealistic expectations and without exerting pressure on the players, administrators, and coaching staff through public opinion."
The dream of reaching the World Cup has now come true, and the Jordanian national team has shown us that there are vast, expansive, and profound areas that can reunite Jordanians and are ripe for investment, provided everyone fulfills their responsibilities. More important than the media frenzy is establishing football academies, returning to the training and development of young players, promoting a football culture, and effectively utilizing and investing in the tourism and travel sectors to attract investment.
The Bulldozer concludes: The Jordanian national football team has given us an opportunity; it is our duty to seize it.
