The Israeli Chief of Staff: A month ago, we carried out an incursion into a neighboring country

رئيس الأركان الإسرائيلي: نفّذنا قبل شهر عملية توغل في دولة مجاورة كشف رئيس الأركان الإسرائيلي أن جيشه نفّذ عملية توغل في دولة مجاورة لم يسمّها، دون الخوض في التفاصيل.  أقرّ رئيس الأركان الإسرائيلي أفيف كوخافي، مساء الأربعاء، بتنفيذ جيشه عملية توغل في دولة مجاورة لم يسمها.  جاء ذلك خلال لقائه شباناً إسرائيليين في الذكرى الـ25 لِما يُسمى "بكارثة المروحيات"، في إشارة لاصطدام مروحيتين إسرائيلتين ببعضهما في 4 فبراير/شباط 1997 كانتا تنقلان جنوداً إلى مواقع للجيش في جنوب لبنان ما أدى إلى مقتل جميع ركابهما الـ73، بحسب قناة "كان" الإسرائيلية الرسمية.  وقال كوخافي، وفقاً لذات القناة: "قمنا قبل شهر بعملية توغل ليس بعيداً من هنا، ولن أخوض في التفاصيل".  وأضاف: "قررنا أن هذه عملية أخلاقية، وأرسلنا جنودا لتجاوز الحدود، ونفذوا المهمة بشكل ممتاز".  وأردف كوخافي، أن العملية "ووفق عليها على أعلى المستويات، واستُعدّ فيها لاحتمالية إصابة جنود إسرائيليين على أيدي مقاتلي العدو".  ولم يذكر كوخافي اسم الدولة المجاورة التي قال إن "مقاتلي الجيش الإسرائيلي نفّذوا مهمة توغل داخلها".  لكن قناة "كان" ربطت تصريحات رئيس الأركان، بما نقلته قناة "الحدث" السعودية في وقت سابق الأربعاء عن مصدر أمني إسرائيلي لم تسمه.  وقال المصدر، إن وحدات خاصة من الجيش الإسرائيلي نفّذت ثلاث عمليات داخل الأراضي السورية منذ بداية العام.  وأضاف أن "قوات خاصة تقوم بمهام حساسة على الأراضي السورية"، لافتاً إلى أن "العمليات الإسرائيلية داخل العمق السوري"، لم تتوقف.  وخلال السنوات الأخيرة الماضية، نفّذ الجيش الإسرائيلي، بحسب تقارير أجنبية عشرات الهجمات الجوية في سوريا ضد أهداف تابعة للنظام وأخرى ضد مواقع مرتبطة بمليشيات إيرانية.    The Israeli Chief of Staff: A month ago, we carried out an incursion into a neighboring country  The Israeli Chief of Staff revealed that his army carried out an incursion into a neighboring country, which he did not name, without going into details.  On Wednesday evening, Israeli Chief of Staff Aviv Kohavi admitted that his army had carried out an incursion into a neighboring country, which he did not name.  This came during his meeting with Israeli youths on the 25th anniversary of the so-called "helicopter disaster", in reference to the collision of two Israeli helicopters with each other on February 4, 1997, while they were transporting soldiers to army positions in southern Lebanon, killing all 73 passengers, according to Kan channel. official Israeli.  Kochavi said, according to the same channel: "A month ago, we made an incursion not far from here, and I will not go into details."  "We decided this was a moral process, and we sent soldiers to cross the border, and they did the job perfectly," he added.  Kochavi added that the operation "was approved at the highest levels, and he was prepared for the possibility of Israeli soldiers being injured at the hands of enemy fighters."  Kohavi did not mention the name of the neighboring country, which he said, "Israeli army fighters carried out an incursion mission."  However, Kan channel linked the statements of the Chief of Staff to what was reported by the Saudi "Al-Hadath" channel, earlier Wednesday, from an unnamed Israeli security source.  The source said that special units of the Israeli army have carried out three operations inside Syrian territory since the beginning of the year.  He added that "special forces are carrying out sensitive tasks on Syrian territory," noting that "Israeli operations inside Syria" have not stopped.  During the past few years, the Israeli army, according to foreign reports, carried out dozens of air strikes in Syria against regime targets and against sites linked to Iranian militias.

The Israeli Chief of Staff: A month ago, we carried out an incursion into a neighboring country

The Israeli Chief of Staff revealed that his army carried out an incursion into a neighboring country, which he did not name, without going into details.

On Wednesday evening, Israeli Chief of Staff Aviv Kohavi admitted that his army had carried out an incursion into a neighboring country, which he did not name.

This came during his meeting with Israeli youths on the 25th anniversary of the so-called "helicopter disaster", in reference to the collision of two Israeli helicopters with each other on February 4, 1997, while they were transporting soldiers to army positions in southern Lebanon, killing all 73 passengers, according to Kan channel. official Israeli.

Kochavi said, according to the same channel: "A month ago, we made an incursion not far from here, and I will not go into details."

"We decided this was a moral process, and we sent soldiers to cross the border, and they did the job perfectly," he added.

Kochavi added that the operation "was approved at the highest levels, and he was prepared for the possibility of Israeli soldiers being injured at the hands of enemy fighters."

Kohavi did not mention the name of the neighboring country, which he said, "Israeli army fighters carried out an incursion mission."

However, Kan channel linked the statements of the Chief of Staff to what was reported by the Saudi "Al-Hadath" channel, earlier Wednesday, from an unnamed Israeli security source.

The source said that special units of the Israeli army have carried out three operations inside Syrian territory since the beginning of the year.

He added that "special forces are carrying out sensitive tasks on Syrian territory," noting that "Israeli operations inside Syria" have not stopped.

During the past few years, the Israeli army, according to foreign reports, carried out dozens of air strikes in Syria against regime targets and against sites linked to Iranian militias.




باش بەت | تەپسىلىي خەۋەر مەھكۇم زاھىرە ھىجابلىنىشنى كېچىكىپ توختاتقانلىقى، گۈلبوستان «جىنايىتى» نى ئىقرار قىلمىغانلىقى ئۈچۈن 15 ۋە 17 يىللىقتىن كېسىۋېتىلگەن  كورلادىكى ئېغىر جازا كېسىلگەن، سانجى ئاياللار تۈرمىسىنىڭ 5-ئەترىتىدە جازاسىنى ئۆتەۋاتقان، 15 يىللىق كېسىلگەن زاھىرە مەمەت(سولدا) ۋە جازا مۇددىتى مەلۇم بولمىغان كېلىن زۆھرەگۈل خۇدابەردى.  كورلادىكى بىر ئائىلىدىن بەش ئايالغا ئېغىر جازا كەسكەن سوت ھۆكۈمىدە شۇ يىلى 38 ياشلىق زاھىرە مەمەتكە 15 يىللىق، 30 ياشلىق گۈلبوستان ئىبراھىمغا 17 يىللىق قاماق جازاسى بېرىلگەنلىكى قەيت قىلىنغان. ھۆكۈمنامىدە زاھىرەنىڭ ئەڭ ئېغىر جىنايى پاكىتى سۈپىتىدە ئۇنىڭ 2010- ۋە 2015-يىللىرى ئارىسىدا «ھىجابلانغانلىقى ۋە ھىجابىنى ۋاقتىدا ئېلىۋەتمىگەنلىكى» تىلغا ئېلىنغان بولسا، گۈلبوستان ئىبراھىمنىڭ «ئۆيىدە تەبلىغ ئۆتكۈزگەنلىكىنى ئىقرار قىلمىغانلىقى» تىلغا ئېلىنغان. مۇخبىرىمىزنىڭ تېلېفون زىيارەتلىرى داۋامىدا زاھىرە مەمەتنىڭ سانجى ئاياللار تۈرمىسىدىكى 5-ئەترەتتە جازا مۇددىتىنى ئۆتەۋاتقانلىقى دەلىللەندى.  كورلا شەھەرلىك خەلق سوت مەھكىمىسىنىڭ 2019-يىلى 4-ئاينىڭ 2-كۈنى چىقارغان مەزكۇر ھۆكۈمنامىسىدە، 1981-يىلى تۇغۇلغان زاھىرە مەمەتكە 15 يىللىق، 1988-يىلى تۇغۇلغان گۈلبوستان يەنى بوستان ئىبراھىمغا 17 يىللىق قاماق جازاسى بېرىلگەنلىكى قەيت قىلىنغان. ھۆكۈمنامىدە بوستان ئىبراھىمنىڭ ئۆز ئىسمىنى گۈلبوستانغا ئۆزگەرتكەنلىكى ئەسكەرتىلگەن. ھۆكۈمنامىدە يەنە زاھىرە مەمەتنىڭ 2010- ۋە 2015-يىللىرى ئارىسىدا ھىجابلانغانلىقى، بۇ مەزگىلدە تەۋەلىكىدىكى خادىملار ھىجاپلانماسلىق ھەققىدە كۆپ قېتىم تەنقىد-تەربىيە بەرگەن بولسىمۇ، قوبۇل قىلمىغانلىقى ئۇنىڭ ئەڭ ئېغىر قىلمىشى سۈپىتىدە كۆپ قېتىم تەكىتلەنگەن. بۇ بايانلاردىن ئۇ تۇتقۇن قىلىنغان 2018-يىلى ئۇنىڭ ھىجابلىنىشتىن ۋاز كەچكىنىگە ئۈچ يىل بولغانلىقى، جازانىڭ ئالىقاچان تۈزىتىلىپ بولغان بىر «خاتالىق» ئۈچۈن بېرىلگەنلىكى مەلۇم. ھۆكۈمنامىدە گۈلبوستاننىڭ «ئۆيىدە تەبلىغ ئۆتكۈزگەنلىكىنى ئىقرار قىلمىغانلىقى»، بۇ ئەھۋالنى باشقىلارنىڭ پاش قىلغانلىقىنى ئۇنىڭ ئەڭ ئېغىر گۇناھىي سۈپىتىدە تەكىتلەنگەن.  بىز بۇ ئىككى مەھكۇمنىڭ نەدە جازا مۇددىتىنى ئۆتەۋاتقانلىقى ۋە نۆۋەتتىكى ئەھۋالىنى ئېنىقلاش ئۈچۈن كورلادىكى سوت ۋە تەپتىش مەھكىمىلىرىگە تېلېفون قىلدۇق. خادىملاردىن بەزىلىرى ئەھۋالدىن خەۋەرسىزلىكىنى بىلدۈرسە، بەزلىرى خەۋىرى بار بولسىمۇ، لېكىن جاۋاب بېرەلمەيدىغانلىقىنى بىلدۈردى.  ھۆكۈمنامىدە زاھىرەنىڭ 2013-يىلى «تەبلىغ ئاڭلىغان» ۋە «تەبلىغقە سورۇن ھازىرلاپ بەرگەنلىكى»، 2015-يىلى «پىلاندىن ئارتۇق بىر پەرزەنت كۆگەنلىكى» مۇ، ئۇنىڭ ئاتالمىش «جىنايى قىلمىش» لىرى سۈپىتىدە تىلغا ئېلىنغان. ئۇنىڭ ھامىلىدار مەزگىلدە ھامىلەنى چۈشۈرۈۋەتمەسلىكى «خۇراپاتلىققا تايىنىپ دۆلەت قانۇنىغا توسقۇنلۇق قىلىش» دەپ ئەيىبلەنگەن. ھۆكۈمنامىدە گۈلبوستاننىڭ «تەبلىغ ئاڭلىغانلىقى» ۋە «تەبلىغقە سورۇن ھازىرلاپ بەرگەنلىكى» دىن باشقا قىلمىشى تىلغا ئېلىنمىغان، ئەمما ئۇنىڭ ئۆيىدە تەبلىغ ئۆتكۈزگەنلىكىنى باشقىلار پاش قىلغانلىقى، ئۆزىنىڭ «ئىقرار قىلمىغانلىقى» ئەڭ ئېغىر گۇناھى سۈپىتىدە تەكىتلەنگەن.  كورلادىكى بەش مەھكۇم ئايال ھەققىدىكى بىر يۈرۈش خەۋەرلرىمىز بېرىلگەندىن كېيىن، تۈركىيەدىكى مۇھاجىرلاردىن بىرى، بۇ خەۋەرلەرگە ئىنكاس يېزىپ، ئۆزىنىڭ بۇ ئائىلە بىلەن ئىلگىرى قوشنا ئىكەنلىكىنى بايان قىلدى. تېلېفونىمىزنى قوبۇل قىلغان يۈسۈپ فىردەۋسى ئىسىملىك بۇ ئىنكاسچى، مەزكۇر ئائىلىنىڭ نورمال بىر ئۇيغۇر ئائىلىسى ئىكەنلىكى، ئائىلىدىكى ھېچبىر ئەزانىڭ جەمئىيەتكە زىيانلىق ھېچقانداق قىلمىشى يوقلۇقىنى بايان قىلدى.  سانجى ئاياللار تۈرمىسىدىكى بىر مەسئۇل خادىم، زاھىرە مەمەت ۋە گۈلبوستان ھەققىدىكى سوئاللىرىمىزغا جاۋاب بېرىشنى رەت قىلدى. ئالدىنقى كۈنى تېلېفونىمىزنى قوبۇل قىلغان بىر خادىم، بىز تەمىنلىگەن كىملىك نومۇرىغا ئاساسەن، بۇ تۈرمىدە زاھىرە مەمەت دەپ بىر مەھبۇسنىڭ بارلىقىنى ئاشكارىلىغان ئىدى. ئۇ يەنە زاھىرە مەمەتنىڭ بۇ 41 ياشلاردا ئىكەنلىكى ۋە جازا مۇددىتىنىڭ 15 يىللىق ئىكەنلىكىنىمۇ دەلىللىگەن ئىدى. مەزكۇر خادىم بوستان ئىبراھىم ھەققىدە ئارخىپنى تەكشۈرۈۋاتقان ۋاقتىدا، يەنە بىر خادىم تېلېفوننى قولغا ئېلىپ، بۇ ھەقتىكى ئۇچۇرلارنى ئاشكارىلاشقا بولمايدىغانلىقى، بۇنىڭ بىر «دۆلەت مەخپىيەتلىكى» ئىكەنلىكىنى تەكىتلىدى. باشقا خادىملارمۇ بۇ ھەقتىكى سوئاللىرىمىزنى يۇقىرىقىغا ئوخشاش شەكىلدە رەت قىلدى.  كورلادا 2017-يىلى قۇرئان ۋە جاينامازلارنى يىغىۋېلىش دولقۇنى قوزغالغان، شۇ چاغدا كورلانىڭ قارايۇلغۇز يېزىسىدىن تېلېفونىمىزنى قوبۇل قىلغان بىر خادىم، دىنىي ئىبادەت جەھەتتىن ئىلگىرى يول قويۇلغان بەزى ئىشلارنىڭ «دۆلەت بىخەتەرلىكىگە خەۋپ يەتكۈزگەنلىكى»، شۇڭا ئۇ پائالىيەتلەرنىڭ ئەمدىلىكتە چەكلىنىۋاتقان ۋە جازالىنىۋاتقانلىقىنى ئىلگىرى سۈرگەن ئىدى. ئۇ سىياسەتتىكى بۇ تۇراقسىزلىق سەۋەبىدىن، ئاھالىلەرنىڭ دىنىي ئېتىقادلىرىغا ئالاقىدار نېمىنى قىلىش ۋە نېمىنى قىلماسلىقنىمۇ ئاڭقىرالمايۋاتقانلىقىنى ئاشكارىلىغان ئىدى.      Prisoner Zahira sentenced to 15 and 17 years in prison for delaying hijab and pleading not guilty to Gulbostan  Zahira Mehmet (left), a 15-year-old convict serving a sentence in the 5th Brigade of the Changji Women's Prison in Korla, was sentenced to life imprisonment and her daughter-in-law, Zohragul Khudabardi, is unknown.  Zahira Mehmet, 38, was sentenced to 15 years in prison and 17-year-old Gulbostan Ibrahim, 30, to 17 years in prison that year sentenced five women to death from a family in Korla. The verdict states that Zahira's most serious criminal offense was that she "did not wear the hijab and did not remove her hijab on time" between 2010 and 2015, while Gulbostan did not "confess that she preached at home." During our correspondent's telephone interviews, it was confirmed that Zahira Mehmet was serving her sentence in the 5th Squadron at Sanji Women's Prison.  The Korla Municipal People's Court on April 2, 2019, sentenced Zahira Mehmet, born in 1981, to 15 years in prison, and Gulbostan, born in 1988, to Bostan Ibrahim, 17 years in prison. The verdict states that Bostan Ibrahim changed his name to Gulbostan. The verdict also highlights the fact that Zahira Mehmet was wearing a hijab between 2010 and 2015, during which time her subordinates repeatedly criticized her for not wearing a hijab, but refused to accept it as her most serious act. It is alleged that the ambassador provided the information to Hussein in connection with the abduction, and said that his confession had been obtained through torture.  We called the Korla courts and prosecutors to find out where the two inmates were serving their sentences and their current situation. Some of the staff said they were unaware of the situation, while others said they were aware of it but could not be reached for comment.  The verdict also mentions that Zahira "listened to the preaching" in 2013 and "provided a place for preaching" and that in 2015 she "had more children than planned" as her so-called "criminal acts". Failure to abort her during pregnancy has been accused of "obstructing state law by relying on superstition." The verdict does not mention Gulbostan's actions other than "listening to the sermon" and "providing a venue for the sermon," but emphasized that his preaching at home was exposed by others, and that his "non-confession" was the most serious.  After we received a series of reports about five women prisoners in Korla, one of the migrants in Turkey responded to the news by stating that he was a neighbor of the family in the past. The respondent, Yusuf Firdausi, who answered our call, stated that the family was a normal Uyghur family and that no member of the family had been harmed in any way.  An official at the Sanji Women's Prison, Zahira Mehmet and refused to answer our questions about Gulbostan. An employee who answered our call the other day revealed that there was an inmate named Zahira Mehmet in the prison, based on the ID number we provided. He also confirmed that Zahira Mehmet was 41 years old and had a 15-year sentence. While investigating the archive about Bostan Ibrahim, another officer grabbed the phone and stressed that it was not possible to divulge the information, which was a "state secret." Other staff members have also denied the allegations.  In Korla, in 2017, a wave of Koran and prayer gatherings erupted, when an official who answered our call from the village of Karaulguz in Korla claimed that some of the religious activities that had previously been allowed were "endangering national security" and that activities were now being banned and punished. He acknowledged that their numbers were not enough to defeat Lukashenko's government, and said that maintaining some independence was important.

Prisoner Zahira sentenced to 15 and 17 years in prison for delaying hijab and pleading not guilty to Gulbostan

Zahira Mehmet (left), a 15-year-old convict serving a sentence in the 5th Brigade of the Changji Women's Prison in Korla, was sentenced to life imprisonment and her daughter-in-law, Zohragul Khudabardi, is unknown.

Zahira Mehmet, 38, was sentenced to 15 years in prison and 17-year-old Gulbostan Ibrahim, 30, to 17 years in prison that year sentenced five women to death from a family in Korla. The verdict states that Zahira's most serious criminal offense was that she "did not wear the hijab and did not remove her hijab on time" between 2010 and 2015, while Gulbostan did not "confess that she preached at home." During our correspondent's telephone interviews, it was confirmed that Zahira Mehmet was serving her sentence in the 5th Squadron at Sanji Women's Prison.

The Korla Municipal People's Court on April 2, 2019, sentenced Zahira Mehmet, born in 1981, to 15 years in prison, and Gulbostan, born in 1988, to Bostan Ibrahim, 17 years in prison. The verdict states that Bostan Ibrahim changed his name to Gulbostan. The verdict also highlights the fact that Zahira Mehmet was wearing a hijab between 2010 and 2015, during which time her subordinates repeatedly criticized her for not wearing a hijab, but refused to accept it as her most serious act. It is alleged that the ambassador provided the information to Hussein in connection with the abduction, and said that his confession had been obtained through torture.

We called the Korla courts and prosecutors to find out where the two inmates were serving their sentences and their current situation. Some of the staff said they were unaware of the situation, while others said they were aware of it but could not be reached for comment.

The verdict also mentions that Zahira "listened to the preaching" in 2013 and "provided a place for preaching" and that in 2015 she "had more children than planned" as her so-called "criminal acts". Failure to abort her during pregnancy has been accused of "obstructing state law by relying on superstition." The verdict does not mention Gulbostan's actions other than "listening to the sermon" and "providing a venue for the sermon," but emphasized that his preaching at home was exposed by others, and that his "non-confession" was the most serious.

After we received a series of reports about five women prisoners in Korla, one of the migrants in Turkey responded to the news by stating that he was a neighbor of the family in the past. The respondent, Yusuf Firdausi, who answered our call, stated that the family was a normal Uyghur family and that no member of the family had been harmed in any way.

An official at the Sanji Women's Prison, Zahira Mehmet and refused to answer our questions about Gulbostan. An employee who answered our call the other day revealed that there was an inmate named Zahira Mehmet in the prison, based on the ID number we provided. He also confirmed that Zahira Mehmet was 41 years old and had a 15-year sentence. While investigating the archive about Bostan Ibrahim, another officer grabbed the phone and stressed that it was not possible to divulge the information, which was a "state secret." Other staff members have also denied the allegations.

In Korla, in 2017, a wave of Koran and prayer gatherings erupted, when an official who answered our call from the village of Karaulguz in Korla claimed that some of the religious activities that had previously been allowed were "endangering national security" and that activities were now being banned and punished. He acknowledged that their numbers were not enough to defeat Lukashenko's government, and said that maintaining some independence was important.


هل اختطفت واشنطن وتل أبيب أجندة التغيير في السودان؟ هل اختطفت واشنطن وتل أبيب أجندة التغيير في السودان؟ دخلت الفترة الانتقالية السودانية نفقاً مظلماً وتعقيداً لم تشهده البلاد من قبل، فتعددت المبادرات داخلياً وخارجياً لحلها. من بينها مبادرة الاتحاد الإفريقي، والمبادرة الأمريكية، وبعثة الأمم المتحدة لدعم الانتقال في السودان والمعروفة باسم "يونيتامس".  ولكن هناك سؤال يطرح نفسه بقوة عقب الزيارة المفاجئة والخاطفة التي أجراها وفد إسرائيلي إلى السودان في التاسع عشر من يناير/كانون الثاني الجاري، أي قبل ساعات من زيارة وفد أمريكي إلى الخرطوم برئاسة مساعدة وزير الخارجية الأمريكي للشئون الإفريقية السفيرة مولي في وعضوية المبعوث الأمريكي الجديد للقرن الإفريقي السفير ديفيد سترفيلد حول الاجندة الإسرائيلية-الأمريكية المشتركة في السودان والتي يبدو أنها تسعى إلى إضعاف دور الأمم المتحدة وتغييب مبادرتها؟  فقد أصدر رئيس مجلس السيادة الانتقالي الفريق أول عبد الفتاح البرهان مباشرة عقب لقائه الوفدين الإسرائيلي والأمريكي " كلاً على حدة"، مرسوماً بإعفاء جميع وكلاء الوزارات الذين عينهم رئيس الوزراء المستقيل الدكتور عبد الله حمدوك واستبدالهم بـوكلاء جدد، وتكليفهم مهام الوزراء حتى قيام الانتخابات في موعدها المحدد بنهاية الفترة الانتقالية منتصف العام 2023 .  هذه الخطوة تشير إلى أن الفريق البرهان غير آبه بمبادرة رئيس بعثة الأمم المتحدة فولكر بريتس التي أطلقها في العاشر من يناير/كانون الثاني لجمع شمل السودانيين 2022 في إطار ما أسماه تفويض البعثة ومساعيها الحميدة لدعم الانتقال السياسي بعد فشل جميع المبادرات السودانية. والسودانيون الذين يقصدهم فولكر أطلق عليهم مصطلح "أصحاب المصلحة".   الاستقواء بالأجنبي  ما يعاب على شريكي الحكم في السودان "العسكري والمدني" استنجادهما بالأجنبي في حل صراعاتهما الداخلية ما يعد في نظر الكثيرين انتهاكاً للسيادة الوطنية. ففي مقابل طلب رئيس الوزراء المدني عبد الله حمدوك خلسة من الأمين العام للأمم المتحدة في يناير/كانون الثاني 2020 إرسال بعثة من الأمم المتحدة لدعم الانتقال في السودان - الأمر الذي تحقق فيما بعد ـ قام الجانب العسكري بتمديد جسور العلاقة مع إسرائيل، فكانت زيارة البرهان المفاجئة إلى مدينة عنتبي اليوغندية في فبراير/شباط 2020 ولقائه رئيس الوزراء الإسرائيلي السابق بنايمين نتنياهو، وما تلاها من خطوات نحو التطبيع، وهي الخطوة التي أثارت غضب بعض قطاعات واسعة من الشعب السوداني.  لقد وجدت إسرائيل ضالتها المنشودة إذن في المجلس العسكري، الذي حّول السودان إلى حليف بعد عداوة امتدت لعقود من الزمان. فألغت الحكومة الانتقالية قانون مقاطعة إسرائيل لسنة 1958 بعد أن ظلت حكومات السودان المتعاقبة منذ الاستقلال في عام 1956 داعماً قوياً للقضية الفلسطينية، وكان السودان معبراً رئيسياً للسلاح إلى المقاومة الفلسطينية، ودفع ثمناً غالياً جراء ذلك والآن هاهما تل أبيب وواشنطن تسجلان حضوراً متزامناً في الخرطوم في الوقت نفسه.  ظل المكون العسكري يحقق نصراً تلو آخر في صراعه المحتدم مع شريكه المدني المتمثل في "قوى إعلان الحرية والتغيير"، والتي كانت الحاضنة السياسية للحكومات الماضية بعد أن أقصت باقي القوى والمكونات السياسية الأخرى.  مبادرة واشنطن   أعلن الجانبان السوداني والأمريكي في العشرين من يناير/كانون الثاني 2022 عن اتفاق من أربعة نقاط، ينص على دخول الأطراف السودانية في حوار وطني شامل عبر مائدة مستديرة، تضم جميع القوى السياسية والمجتمعية باستثناء حزب "المؤتمر الوطني" ، للتوصل إلى توافق وطني للخروج من الأزمة الحالية وتشكيل حكومة كفاءات وطنية مستقلة يقودها رئيس وزراء مدني لاستكمال مهام الفترة الانتقالية، وإجراء تعديلات على الوثيقة الدستورية لتواكب التطورات الجديدة وإجراء انتخابات حرة ونزيهة بنهاية الفترة الانتقالية.  والملاحظة الأبرز هنا أن الجانبين السوداني والأمريكي لم يشيرا إلى مبادرة مبعوث الأمين العام للأمم المتحدة فولكر بيريتس، ولا إلى إعادة هيكلة القوات المسلحة السودانية التي ظل يطالب بها فولكر منذ مجيئه إلى السودان، كما غابت عنها الإشارة إلى أعمال العنف التي صاحبت الاحتجاجات المناهضة للحكم العسكري والإجراءات التي اتخذها البرهان في الخامس والعشرين من أكتوبر/ تشرين الأول 2021 والتي قضت بحل مجلسي السيادة والوزراء وتجميد العمل ببعض بنود "الوثيقة الانتقالية الدستورية" الحاكمة في البلاد.  التجميد الذي حدث لبعض بنود "الوثيقة الانتقالية الدستورية"، أوجد صيغة دستورية لخروج قوى إعلان "الحرية والتغيير" والتي كانت "الوثيقة الدستورية" تعتبرها الممثل الوحيد لقوى الثورة التي أطاحت بنظام الرئيس السابق عمر البشير، مما يتيح المجال لدخول قوى أخرى ظلت على الهامش على مدى الثلاثة أعوام الماضية، يضاف إلى ذلك اعتراف واشنطن وتل أبيب ضمناً بمكانه وإسهامات قوات "الدعم السريع" في التغيير، وقائدها العام محمد حمدان دقلو حميدتي ونائبه عبد الرحيم دقلو، والذي قالت وسائل الإعلام الإسرائيلية إنه كان في استقبال الوفد الإسرائيلي بمطار الخرطوم.  تغييب الإسلاميين  هناك ما يشبه الإجماع على تغييب التيار الإسلامي عن رسم مستقبل السودان، فالقاسم المشترك بين المبادرتين الأمريكية ومبادرة الأمم المتحدة هو استثناء حزب "المؤتمر الوطني" من المشاركة في الحوار الوطني الشامل الذي يضم القوى السياسية كافة، وقد أثارت هذه الخطوة موجة من الغضب وسط التيار الإسلامي المساند للمؤتمر الوطني، والذي عبر عن ذلك بسلسلة من الوقفات الاحتجاجية أمام مقر بعثة الأمم المتحدة في الخرطوم، طالبت هذه الوقفات بطرد رئيس البعثة فولكر بريتس لتدخلاته السافرة في الشأن السوداني. يضاف إلى ذلك الوقفات الاحتجاجية المتكررة أمام مقر النيابة العامة بالخرطوم لأسر وأصدقاء العشرات من المعتقلين السياسيين منذ ما يقارب ثلاثة أعوام، ولم تشرع السلطات المختصة في إصدار التهم بحقهم وتقديمهم إلى المحاكمات إلا الأسبوع الماضي بعد تنامي الضغط الشعبي.   خلاصة القول، إن المبادرات الأجنبية المطروحة على الساحة السودانية ستصطدم أيضاً بمعارضة واسعة من قطاعات كبيرة من الشعب السوداني، ومن بوادر ذلك ما أعلنه الأسبوع الماضي كيان يضم 70 حزباً أطلق على نفسه اسم "سودانيون ضد التدخل الأجنبي" الذي أعلن رفضه القاطع لتدخلات مبعوث الأمم المتحدة فولكر بريتس في الشأن سوداني، وكذلك "القوى الشعبية لمقاومة التطبيع في السودان" (قاوم) والتي أكدت في بيان لها الأسبوع الماضي أن ما أقدمت عليه حكومة الفترة الانتقالية بشقيها العسكري والمدني من بسط العلاقة مع إسرائيل لم ولن يجني منه السودان أي فائدة بقدر ما جنته تل أبيب من فوائد لا تحصي ولاتعد، مشددة على أن تلك الخطوات كانت دون تفويض شعبي ولا سند قانوني، مما يعني احتدام الصراع والتنافس. إلا أنه مازال متاحاً أمام السودانيين قراءة الماضي والاعتبار من تجربتي الانتقال السابقة ( أكتوبر1964 وأبريل 1985) حتى يتجنبوا تكرار الأخطاء والتوجه نحو الاتفاق على "مشروع وطني شامل".    Has Washington and Tel Aviv hijacked the agenda for change in Sudan?  The Sudanese transitional period has entered a dark tunnel and a complexity that the country has not witnessed before. There have been many initiatives, both internally and externally, to solve it. Among them are the African Union Initiative, the American Initiative, and the United Nations   But there is a question that arises strongly after the sudden and lightning visit of an Israeli delegation to Sudan on the nineteenth of January, that is, hours before the visit of an American delegation to Khartoum headed by the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Ambassador Molly in the membership of the new American envoy for the century African Ambassador David Starfield about the joint Israeli-American agenda in Sudan, which seems to seek to weaken the role of the United Nations and obscure its initiative?  Immediately after his meeting with the Israeli and American delegations, "each separately," the head of the Transitional Sovereign Council, Lieutenant-General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, issued a decree relieving all ministerial agents appointed by the resigned Prime Minister, Dr. By the end of the transition period in mid-2023.  This step indicates that Lieutenant-General Al-Burhan is not interested in the initiative of the head of the United Nations mission, Volker Britts, which he launched on the tenth of January to reunite the Sudanese in 2022 within the framework of what he called the mission’s mandate and its good offices to support the political transition after the failure of all Sudanese initiatives. The Sudanese that Volcker meant were called "stakeholders".  Alien bullying What is wrong with the two partners in power in Sudan, "military and civil", are seeking help from a foreigner to solve their internal conflicts, which is considered by many to be a violation of national sovereignty. In contrast to the request of the civilian Prime Minister, Abdullah Hamdok, from the Secretary-General of the United Nations in January 2020 to send a mission from the United Nations to support the transition in Sudan - which was later achieved - the military side extended the bridges of the relationship with Israel, and Al-Burhan’s sudden visit was To the Ugandan city of Entebbe in February 2020, and his meeting with former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and the subsequent steps towards normalization, a step that angered some large sectors of the Sudanese people.  Israel found its desired destination, then, in the Military Council, which turned Sudan into an ally after decades of enmity. The transitional government repealed the 1958 boycott of Israel law after the successive Sudanese governments since independence in 1956 had been a strong supporter of the Palestinian cause. Himself.  The military component continued to achieve one victory after another in its fierce struggle with its civilian partner, the "Forces of the Declaration of Freedom and Change", which was the political incubator of past governments after they excluded the rest of the other political forces and components.  Washington Initiative On January 20, 2022, the Sudanese and American sides announced a four-point agreement, stipulating that the Sudanese parties enter into a comprehensive national dialogue through a round table that includes all political and societal forces, except for the National Congress Party, to reach a national consensus to get out of the crisis. The current government and the formation of an independent government of national competencies led by a civilian prime minister to complete the tasks of the transitional period, and to make amendments to the constitutional document to keep pace with new developments, and to hold free and fair elections at the end of the transitional period.  The most prominent note here is that the Sudanese and American sides did not refer to the initiative of the envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Volker Peretz, nor to the restructuring of the Sudanese armed forces, which Volcker has been demanding since his arrival in Sudan, and absent a reference to the violence that accompanied the protests against the military rule and the measures taken. Al-Burhan took it on the twenty-fifth of October 2021, which stipulated the dissolution of the Sovereignty Council and the Council of Ministers and the freezing of some provisions of the “Constitutional Transitional Document” governing the country.  The freezing that occurred in some of the provisions of the "Constitutional Transitional Document" created a constitutional formula for the exit of the forces of the "Freedom and Change" declaration, which the "Constitutional Document" considered as the only representative of the revolutionary forces that overthrew the regime of former President Omar al-Bashir, allowing the entry of other forces that remained on the sidelines on the Over the past three years, in addition to this, Washington and Tel Aviv implicitly acknowledged his location and the contributions of the "Rapid Support Forces" to the change, and its general commander, Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo Hemedti, and his deputy, Abd al-Rahim Dagalo, who Israeli media said was received by the Israeli delegation at Khartoum Airport.  Absenteeism of the Islamists There is something like unanimity in the absence of the Islamic trend from drawing the future of Sudan. The common denominator between the two American initiatives and the United Nations initiative is the exclusion of the "National Congress" party from participating in the comprehensive national dialogue that includes all political forces, and this step sparked a wave of anger among the Islamic trend. The supporter of the National Congress, which expressed this by a series of vigils in front of the headquarters of the United Nations mission in Khartoum, these vigils demanded the expulsion of the head of the mission, Volker Peretz, for his blatant interference in Sudanese affairs. In addition to this, the frequent vigils in front of the Public Prosecution office in Khartoum were attended by the families and friends of dozens of political detainees for nearly three years, and the competent authorities did not begin issuing charges against them and bringing them to trial until last week after the growing popular pressure.  In sum, the foreign initiatives proposed on the Sudanese arena will also collide with broad opposition from large sectors of the Sudanese people, and one of the signs of this was announced last week by an entity comprising 70 parties that called itself “Sudanese Against Foreign Intervention,” which announced its categorical rejection of the interventions of the United Nations envoy Volker Britts on the Sudanese issue, as well as the "popular forces to resist normalization in Sudan" (resist), which confirmed in a statement last week that what the transitional government has done, both military and civil, in extending the relationship with Israel did not and will not reap any benefit from Sudan as much as it gained Tel Aviv has countless benefits, stressing that these steps were without a popular mandate or legal basis, which means the intensification of conflict and competition. However, it is still possible for the Sudanese to read the past and take into account the two previous transition experiences (October 1964 and April 1985) in order to avoid repeating mistakes and moving towards agreement on.(Alwaleed Mustafa)

Has Washington and Tel Aviv hijacked the agenda for change in Sudan?

The Sudanese transitional period has entered a dark tunnel and a complexity that the country has not witnessed before. There have been many initiatives, both internally and externally, to solve it. Among them are the African Union Initiative, the American Initiative, and the United Nations 

But there is a question that arises strongly after the sudden and lightning visit of an Israeli delegation to Sudan on the nineteenth of January, that is, hours before the visit of an American delegation to Khartoum headed by the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Ambassador Molly in the membership of the new American envoy for the century African Ambassador David Starfield about the joint Israeli-American agenda in Sudan, which seems to seek to weaken the role of the United Nations and obscure its initiative?

Immediately after his meeting with the Israeli and American delegations, "each separately," the head of the Transitional Sovereign Council, Lieutenant-General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, issued a decree relieving all ministerial agents appointed by the resigned Prime Minister, Dr. By the end of the transition period in mid-2023.

This step indicates that Lieutenant-General Al-Burhan is not interested in the initiative of the head of the United Nations mission, Volker Britts, which he launched on the tenth of January to reunite the Sudanese in 2022 within the framework of what he called the mission’s mandate and its good offices to support the political transition after the failure of all Sudanese initiatives. The Sudanese that Volcker meant were called "stakeholders".

Alien bullying

What is wrong with the two partners in power in Sudan, "military and civil", are seeking help from a foreigner to solve their internal conflicts, which is considered by many to be a violation of national sovereignty. In contrast to the request of the civilian Prime Minister, Abdullah Hamdok, from the Secretary-General of the United Nations in January 2020 to send a mission from the United Nations to support the transition in Sudan - which was later achieved - the military side extended the bridges of the relationship with Israel, and Al-Burhan’s sudden visit was To the Ugandan city of Entebbe in February 2020, and his meeting with former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and the subsequent steps towards normalization, a step that angered some large sectors of the Sudanese people.

Israel found its desired destination, then, in the Military Council, which turned Sudan into an ally after decades of enmity. The transitional government repealed the 1958 boycott of Israel law after the successive Sudanese governments since independence in 1956 had been a strong supporter of the Palestinian cause. Himself.

The military component continued to achieve one victory after another in its fierce struggle with its civilian partner, the "Forces of the Declaration of Freedom and Change", which was the political incubator of past governments after they excluded the rest of the other political forces and components.

Washington Initiative

On January 20, 2022, the Sudanese and American sides announced a four-point agreement, stipulating that the Sudanese parties enter into a comprehensive national dialogue through a round table that includes all political and societal forces, except for the National Congress Party, to reach a national consensus to get out of the crisis. The current government and the formation of an independent government of national competencies led by a civilian prime minister to complete the tasks of the transitional period, and to make amendments to the constitutional document to keep pace with new developments, and to hold free and fair elections at the end of the transitional period.

The most prominent note here is that the Sudanese and American sides did not refer to the initiative of the envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Volker Peretz, nor to the restructuring of the Sudanese armed forces, which Volcker has been demanding since his arrival in Sudan, and absent a reference to the violence that accompanied the protests against the military rule and the measures taken. Al-Burhan took it on the twenty-fifth of October 2021, which stipulated the dissolution of the Sovereignty Council and the Council of Ministers and the freezing of some provisions of the “Constitutional Transitional Document” governing the country.

The freezing that occurred in some of the provisions of the "Constitutional Transitional Document" created a constitutional formula for the exit of the forces of the "Freedom and Change" declaration, which the "Constitutional Document" considered as the only representative of the revolutionary forces that overthrew the regime of former President Omar al-Bashir, allowing the entry of other forces that remained on the sidelines on the Over the past three years, in addition to this, Washington and Tel Aviv implicitly acknowledged his location and the contributions of the "Rapid Support Forces" to the change, and its general commander, Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo Hemedti, and his deputy, Abd al-Rahim Dagalo, who Israeli media said was received by the Israeli delegation at Khartoum Airport.

Absenteeism of the Islamists

There is something like unanimity in the absence of the Islamic trend from drawing the future of Sudan. The common denominator between the two American initiatives and the United Nations initiative is the exclusion of the "National Congress" party from participating in the comprehensive national dialogue that includes all political forces, and this step sparked a wave of anger among the Islamic trend. The supporter of the National Congress, which expressed this by a series of vigils in front of the headquarters of the United Nations mission in Khartoum, these vigils demanded the expulsion of the head of the mission, Volker Peretz, for his blatant interference in Sudanese affairs. In addition to this, the frequent vigils in front of the Public Prosecution office in Khartoum were attended by the families and friends of dozens of political detainees for nearly three years, and the competent authorities did not begin issuing charges against them and bringing them to trial until last week after the growing popular pressure.

In sum, the foreign initiatives proposed on the Sudanese arena will also collide with broad opposition from large sectors of the Sudanese people, and one of the signs of this was announced last week by an entity comprising 70 parties that called itself “Sudanese Against Foreign Intervention,” which announced its categorical rejection of the interventions of the United Nations envoy Volker Britts on the Sudanese issue, as well as the "popular forces to resist normalization in Sudan" (resist), which confirmed in a statement last week that what the transitional government has done, both military and civil, in extending the relationship with Israel did not and will not reap any benefit from Sudan as much as it gained Tel Aviv has countless benefits, stressing that these steps were without a popular mandate or legal basis, which means the intensification of conflict and competition. However, it is still possible for the Sudanese to read the past and take into account the two previous transition experiences (October 1964 and April 1985) in order to avoid repeating mistakes and moving towards agreement on.(Alwaleed Mustafa)

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