It may be difficult for BJP to control violent mobs in future : Asim Ali It may be difficult for BJP to control violent mobs in future : Asim Ali

It may be difficult for BJP to control violent mobs in future : Asim Ali

This permanent state of communal tension is a new reality for Muslims
In 1944, the Hungarian economist Karl Polani wrote a masterpiece on political economy that revolutionized the study of economics. The name of this book was 'The Great Transformation' and in it Polani said that the state and the market are not opposite concepts. In fact, the state itself makes the market. For this he creates such favorable conditions which make the functioning of the market possible. The Great Transformation refers to the social and political upheaval that led to the market economy in 19th century England.

India is currently in the middle of its 'Great Transformation'. The mob is stepping into a new India, with daily second-rate violence that has now penetrated the grassroots.

All this is happening continuously – demonstrations, sloganeering, hate speech and violence. Hindutva mobilization may not have happened at the behest of the top leadership. Like every piece on a chess board is moved very carefully, systematically, what will be the result, it is clear. To believe this means that we are considering the people sitting at the highest level of power as omnipresent, omnipotent. but it's not like that.
A thriving market of so-called sadhus, sages and armies
Instead, Hindutva mobilization is like a market phenomenon. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) itself has instigated this phenomenon and it has changed the nature of communal violence. Now there is no single incident of violence, rather it is widespread and in a particular area.

This is not a 'Hindu Rashtra' that has been crafted by someone intelligently. Rather it is decentralized. Crowds, flocks of people are taking the initiative in different places. This is not the country that someone sitting in Delhi or Nagpur is dancing with on his fingers. Now small swarms of people in towns and cities, in their own style, are "describing their status" to Muslims in their own style. We are making full use of the fertile land which the people in power have done the work of providing fertilizer and water.
It may be difficult for BJP to control violent mobs in future : Asim Ali  This permanent state of communal tension is a new reality for Muslims In 1944, the Hungarian economist Karl Polani wrote a masterpiece on political economy that revolutionized the study of economics. The name of this book was 'The Great Transformation' and in it Polani said that the state and the market are not opposite concepts. In fact, the state itself makes the market. For this he creates such favorable conditions which make the functioning of the market possible. The Great Transformation refers to the social and political upheaval that led to the market economy in 19th century England.  India is currently in the middle of its 'Great Transformation'. The mob is stepping into a new India, with daily second-rate violence that has now penetrated the grassroots.  All this is happening continuously – demonstrations, sloganeering, hate speech and violence. Hindutva mobilization may not have happened at the behest of the top leadership. Like every piece on a chess board is moved very carefully, systematically, what will be the result, it is clear. To believe this means that we are considering the people sitting at the highest level of power as omnipresent, omnipotent. but it's not like that. A thriving market of so-called sadhus, sages and armies Instead, Hindutva mobilization is like a market phenomenon. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) itself has instigated this phenomenon and it has changed the nature of communal violence. Now there is no single incident of violence, rather it is widespread and in a particular area.  This is not a 'Hindu Rashtra' that has been crafted by someone intelligently. Rather it is decentralized. Crowds, flocks of people are taking the initiative in different places. This is not the country that someone sitting in Delhi or Nagpur is dancing with on his fingers. Now small swarms of people in towns and cities, in their own style, are "describing their status" to Muslims in their own style. We are making full use of the fertile land which the people in power have done the work of providing fertilizer and water.  In this market of Hindutva mobilization, there are so-called sages, 'Sena' and Sangh who deal in bigotry. Hindutva New Entrepreneur. Those who take advantage of the benefits of the government and compete with each other in the market to claim their share. Like any emerging market, stalwarts of established organizations such as the Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Hindu Jagran Manch affiliated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have carved out their own small army.  These are countless. So much so that you will not even remember their name. For example, the group that recently burnt Muslim homes in Agra in the name of 'love jihad' is Dharma Jagran Samanvay Sangh. These small and big herds want to establish their coin in local politics. He may be deeply associated with the RSS. The chieftains of these fighters are local celebrities or power brokers who get political presence. Otherwise, he would have had to wear shoes all his life to reach the formal political platform.  Under him is an army of unemployed and petty-business youths, who satisfy their souls by wielding swords and swaying to religious tunes. Many a times, as cow vigilantes, these people run extortion rackets, confiscate trucks and return them with bribes, under the patronage of the state and justifying violence.  First, he weakened the structure of the state by establishing anarchic authoritarianism in the country. While the external form of governance remained the same, the political culture was completely crushed. That too in such a way that the people holding important positions in the bureaucracy were encouraged to hollow out the foundations of the rule of law and the principles of equal citizenship. So that the political thinking of BJP can be taken forward.  Not surprisingly, no bureaucrat or policeman has denied that he will not bulldoze people's homes in disregard of the rules, and there are very few judges who have granted bail to those arrested in weak cases. That is, these government officials have become accustomed to the fact that all the rules and regulations can be kept in abeyance to fulfill the purpose of the government.  The Nazi historian Sir Ian Kershaw said - "Working towards the future", that is, to follow the leader's command. Hitler used to call his status in the Nazi Party Fuha. Fuha means leader in German.  Meanwhile, the state not only allowed Hindutva organizations to make hate speeches, organize and demonstrate openly on social media, but also to indulge in violence. It can be seen how carefully and respectfully the police officers talk to the local Hindutva leaders because they know that they have the upper hand. When the state is so weak and hollow, why won't the Hindutva groups do what they want?  It is not the crisis of the crowd, it is the crowd that has created the crisis. Second, the BJP has used Hinduist organizations as a part of its political system to fulfill its agenda. In the past few months, these organizations have sparked political discussions on issues like hijab, halal and azaan, and a contentious debate got blown up.  Through his dramatic movements, he drew everyone's attention to these issues so that it seemed that some crisis had arisen. The spark of the crisis kept burning, or the state had to intervene to extinguish it. And the state favored those organizations. The same method was adopted in the case of hijab. The state, through a law, stamped the demands whose slogans were raised on the streets. The Hindutva organizations that used to test their might on the streets became respected political powerhouses.  Can this situation ever get out of control? But it is not that the synergy of these Hindu organizations at the grassroots level is always with the BJP. These are such political actors who have their own motive. Often they take the initiative to prove their impact and relevance. Like all political parties, they want to be autonomous centers of power. want to be self-styled.  The big challenge for the BJP in the future will be how to keep this uncontrollable anarchy and violence at such a level that its political crop can be harvested and its control can also be maintained. This challenge is compounded by the fact that the market for Hindutva mobilization is also changing rapidly. During this, new organizations are emerging which are rivals of each other. Everyone wants the state to support it or have access to local resources. The crowd is becoming more dramatic and violence is spreading rapidly. BJP can try its best to keep its hold on these groups so that they do not get out of its control.  Then, if this violence starts affecting the lives and livelihood of ordinary Hindus, then the BJP may have to give it up. Then he will realize that this phenomenon may also have to bear the political consequences.  Muslims are being targeted continuously For now, the violence and agenda of these Hindutva organizations is a win-win for the BJP. It is trying to create a permanent Hindu political majority through them. But mob violence is so important for this project, it indicates that the journey is still long.  The Hindu majority, on the other hand, is also enthusiastic, and indifferent to the satanization of Muslims. Then, his other economic and political aspirations also persist. This permanent state of communal tension is a new reality for Muslims. They have faced communal tension in the past, but still it had a time and place, and yet the hope of peace remained intact. But now they have an uncertain future ahead of them. There is also a apprehension that a blow to the back may happen at any time. There are many people who are being tempted to do so.  (Asim Ali is a Delhi-based Political Researcher and Columnist. His Twitter handle is @AsimAli6. This is an open-ended piece and the views expressed here are those of the author.)  Source : The Quint   A 6-year-old child was lodged in a detention center in Assam: One truth of NRC If a friend makes you wait a bit, then we get annoyed. Imagine what it would have been like to wait for years for citizenship?  After an argument with his father, this boy had left the house, after which he was sent to the detention center. This incident has given a deep shock to many of us.  This story tells us that the victims of the National Register of Citizens (NRC ) are so voiceless that the testimony of their suffering, the cruelty, tragedy, pain and deportation they have been subjected to remains only within the confines of the courts. Silence about such pain and suffering is an important reality of NRC. How can we understand this picture?  NRC Detention Center and the loss of lives NRC captures people in a completely different way. This is a process of dehumanization and humiliation for the victims of the NRC, a process that is fraught with concerns. Detention, on the other hand, is the most important part of NRC.  Writing on several camps between the two world wars, Hannah Arendt wrote in The Origins of Totalitarianism - for those who have no country, camp is the only option. Detention basically affects citizenship. I am saying this in its broadest sense.  First of all, detention gives different status to people. In detaining someone under the process of NRC, the government actually takes away many of his social, political, economic and cultural rights. In this process, the citizens are told that they are subordinate because, their rights will remain suspended and they will remain subject.  Second, detention takes away the everyday life of that "suspect" citizen. Here it is not necessary that the government does doubt or any kind of doubt. The citizens here also fall prey to the suspicions of the common people, intellectuals and civil society groups. The NRC machine, which is tied to detention, gives a chance to the possibility that anyone can potentially be detained and deported. This persistent ideological fear of being subject to deportation is the very nature of detention.  It is the violence of the NRC process and it is equipped with such a structure that a social environment filled with fear, uncertainty and anxiety has gripped the Bengali Muslims of Assam. They are living hanging in this condition. Historian Wendy Doniger writes that evil is not what we do, it is something that we do not want to see happening to us. So the feeling of detention is a bad feeling filled with evil. It is bad in such a way that detention creates situations in which no one would want to live. No person in a democratic country would want to live in the midst of the uncertainty of detention.  Things We Should Annoy But Don't The process of NRC has dehumanized those who support it. Due to this they have lost their sense of thinking and understanding. The social and moral cost of NRC is much higher.  That is, people are not sharing the pain and suffering that minorities are facing during the process of NRC in Assam. We should be worried about this. Rejoicing over dead bodies and celebrating not having citizenship should worry us. We should be troubled by the way society is being destroyed.  The NRC has poisoned the minds of many through the politics of hate and changed the way of thinking of even more people with a narrow sense of nationalism. Under this, being a Bangladeshi means the one who is hated the most. This language and design of hatred reached even Delhi. When recently we saw the incident of vandalism in Jahangirpuri. After the sabotage in this incident, its pieces are asking questions from the country. NRC has made common people enemies of each other and hatred against Bangladeshis has become a national phenomenon. Bangladeshis, who were earlier just enemies in the eyes of the nationalists of Assam, have now become enemies of the country.  The NRC, which was earlier an issue of cultural and social enmity, has succeeded in turning that issue into an enemy of the country and its people.  If we look at its broader meaning, where both the minority and the majority are going through a fundamental change, then we must definitely think that what will be the impact of NRC on citizenship?  NRC and endless wait Waiting process never looks good. Nobody likes to wait. People get annoyed if a friend makes them wait even for a few minutes. Imagine what it would have been like to wait for years for citizenship? And living with this fear in which there is a constant fear in the mind of a person that he may have to go to the detention center.  No training waiting The NRC machine has created a serious matter of waiting. Bengali Muslim farmers wait for citizenship along with their crops on the flood-affected lands of the Brahmaputra. This wait has only increased the violence in the process of NRC.  With NRC, time has become like a deep sea which is absorbing everything in itself.  NRC has fundamentally changed our time and region. We are living getting used to it.  We wait, fear and perish. We keep screaming in this abyss. This is the picture that I see. This is the cruelty of NRC.


In this market of Hindutva mobilization, there are so-called sages, 'Sena' and Sangh who deal in bigotry. Hindutva New Entrepreneur. Those who take advantage of the benefits of the government and compete with each other in the market to claim their share. Like any emerging market, stalwarts of established organizations such as the Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Hindu Jagran Manch affiliated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have carved out their own small army.

These are countless. So much so that you will not even remember their name. For example, the group that recently burnt Muslim homes in Agra in the name of 'love jihad' is Dharma Jagran Samanvay Sangh. These small and big herds want to establish their coin in local politics. He may be deeply associated with the RSS.
The chieftains of these fighters are local celebrities or power brokers who get political presence. Otherwise, he would have had to wear shoes all his life to reach the formal political platform.

Under him is an army of unemployed and petty-business youths, who satisfy their souls by wielding swords and swaying to religious tunes. Many a times, as cow vigilantes, these people run extortion rackets, confiscate trucks and return them with bribes, under the patronage of the state and justifying violence.

First, he weakened the structure of the state by establishing anarchic authoritarianism in the country. While the external form of governance remained the same, the political culture was completely crushed. That too in such a way that the people holding important positions in the bureaucracy were encouraged to hollow out the foundations of the rule of law and the principles of equal citizenship. So that the political thinking of BJP can be taken forward.

Not surprisingly, no bureaucrat or policeman has denied that he will not bulldoze people's homes in disregard of the rules, and there are very few judges who have granted bail to those arrested in weak cases.
That is, these government officials have become accustomed to the fact that all the rules and regulations can be kept in abeyance to fulfill the purpose of the government.

The Nazi historian Sir Ian Kershaw said - "Working towards the future", that is, to follow the leader's command. Hitler used to call his status in the Nazi Party Fuha. Fuha means leader in German.

Meanwhile, the state not only allowed Hindutva organizations to make hate speeches, organize and demonstrate openly on social media, but also to indulge in violence. It can be seen how carefully and respectfully the police officers talk to the local Hindutva leaders because they know that they have the upper hand. When the state is so weak and hollow, why won't the Hindutva groups do what they want?

It is not the crisis of the crowd, it is the crowd that has created the crisis.
Second, the BJP has used Hinduist organizations as a part of its political system to fulfill its agenda. In the past few months, these organizations have sparked political discussions on issues like hijab, halal and azaan, and a contentious debate got blown up.

Through his dramatic movements, he drew everyone's attention to these issues so that it seemed that some crisis had arisen. The spark of the crisis kept burning, or the state had to intervene to extinguish it. And the state favored those organizations.
The same method was adopted in the case of hijab. The state, through a law, stamped the demands whose slogans were raised on the streets. The Hindutva organizations that used to test their might on the streets became respected political powerhouses.

Can this situation ever get out of control?
But it is not that the synergy of these Hindu organizations at the grassroots level is always with the BJP. These are such political actors who have their own motive. Often they take the initiative to prove their impact and relevance. Like all political parties, they want to be autonomous centers of power. want to be self-styled.

The big challenge for the BJP in the future will be how to keep this uncontrollable anarchy and violence at such a level that its political crop can be harvested and its control can also be maintained. This challenge is compounded by the fact that the market for Hindutva mobilization is also changing rapidly.
During this, new organizations are emerging which are rivals of each other. Everyone wants the state to support it or have access to local resources. The crowd is becoming more dramatic and violence is spreading rapidly. BJP can try its best to keep its hold on these groups so that they do not get out of its control.

Then, if this violence starts affecting the lives and livelihood of ordinary Hindus, then the BJP may have to give it up. Then he will realize that this phenomenon may also have to bear the political consequences.

Muslims are being targeted continuously
For now, the violence and agenda of these Hindutva organizations is a win-win for the BJP. It is trying to create a permanent Hindu political majority through them. But mob violence is so important for this project, it indicates that the journey is still long.

The Hindu majority, on the other hand, is also enthusiastic, and indifferent to the satanization of Muslims. Then, his other economic and political aspirations also persist.
This permanent state of communal tension is a new reality for Muslims. They have faced communal tension in the past, but still it had a time and place, and yet the hope of peace remained intact. But now they have an uncertain future ahead of them. There is also a apprehension that a blow to the back may happen at any time. There are many people who are being tempted to do so.

(Asim Ali is a Delhi-based Political Researcher and Columnist. His Twitter handle is @AsimAli6. This is an open-ended piece and the views expressed here are those of the author.)

Source : The Quint

A 6-year-old child was lodged in a detention center in Assam: One truth of NRC

If a friend makes you wait a bit, then we get annoyed. Imagine what it would have been like to wait for years for citizenship?

After an argument with his father, this boy had left the house, after which he was sent to the detention center. This incident has given a deep shock to many of us.

This story tells us that the victims of the National Register of Citizens (NRC ) are so voiceless that the testimony of their suffering, the cruelty, tragedy, pain and deportation they have been subjected to remains only within the confines of the courts. Silence about such pain and suffering is an important reality of NRC. How can we understand this picture?

NRC Detention Center and the loss of lives
NRC captures people in a completely different way. This is a process of dehumanization and humiliation for the victims of the NRC, a process that is fraught with concerns. Detention, on the other hand, is the most important part of NRC.

Writing on several camps between the two world wars, Hannah Arendt wrote in The Origins of Totalitarianism - for those who have no country, camp is the only option.
Detention basically affects citizenship. I am saying this in its broadest sense.

First of all, detention gives different status to people. In detaining someone under the process of NRC, the government actually takes away many of his social, political, economic and cultural rights. In this process, the citizens are told that they are subordinate because, their rights will remain suspended and they will remain subject.

Second, detention takes away the everyday life of that "suspect" citizen. Here it is not necessary that the government does doubt or any kind of doubt. The citizens here also fall prey to the suspicions of the common people, intellectuals and civil society groups. The NRC machine, which is tied to detention, gives a chance to the possibility that anyone can potentially be detained and deported. This persistent ideological fear of being subject to deportation is the very nature of detention.

It is the violence of the NRC process and it is equipped with such a structure that a social environment filled with fear, uncertainty and anxiety has gripped the Bengali Muslims of Assam. They are living hanging in this condition.
Historian Wendy Doniger writes that evil is not what we do, it is something that we do not want to see happening to us. So the feeling of detention is a bad feeling filled with evil. It is bad in such a way that detention creates situations in which no one would want to live. No person in a democratic country would want to live in the midst of the uncertainty of detention.

Things We Should Annoy But Don't
The process of NRC has dehumanized those who support it. Due to this they have lost their sense of thinking and understanding. The social and moral cost of NRC is much higher.

That is, people are not sharing the pain and suffering that minorities are facing during the process of NRC in Assam. We should be worried about this. Rejoicing over dead bodies and celebrating not having citizenship should worry us. We should be troubled by the way society is being destroyed.

The NRC has poisoned the minds of many through the politics of hate and changed the way of thinking of even more people with a narrow sense of nationalism. Under this, being a Bangladeshi means the one who is hated the most. This language and design of hatred reached even Delhi. When recently we saw the incident of vandalism in Jahangirpuri. After the sabotage in this incident, its pieces are asking questions from the country.
NRC has made common people enemies of each other and hatred against Bangladeshis has become a national phenomenon. Bangladeshis, who were earlier just enemies in the eyes of the nationalists of Assam, have now become enemies of the country.

The NRC, which was earlier an issue of cultural and social enmity, has succeeded in turning that issue into an enemy of the country and its people.

If we look at its broader meaning, where both the minority and the majority are going through a fundamental change, then we must definitely think that what will be the impact of NRC on citizenship?

NRC and endless wait
Waiting process never looks good. Nobody likes to wait. People get annoyed if a friend makes them wait even for a few minutes. Imagine what it would have been like to wait for years for citizenship? And living with this fear in which there is a constant fear in the mind of a person that he may have to go to the detention center.

No training waiting
The NRC machine has created a serious matter of waiting. Bengali Muslim farmers wait for citizenship along with their crops on the flood-affected lands of the Brahmaputra. This wait has only increased the violence in the process of NRC.

With NRC, time has become like a deep sea which is absorbing everything in itself.

NRC has fundamentally changed our time and region. We are living getting used to it.

We wait, fear and perish. We keep screaming in this abyss. This is the picture that I see. This is the cruelty of NRC.

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